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Updated: 7/13/2019

 

Austronesian Comparative Dictionary

Formosan

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*d   

di    du    

29991

*dakeS a tree: the camphor laurel: Cinnamomum spp.

6682

PAN     *dakeS a tree: the camphor laurel: Cinnamomum spp.

Formosan
Atayal (Mayrinax) rakuscamphor laurel: Cinnamomum camphora
Pazeh dakescamphor laurel: Cinnamomum camphora
Thao shakisha tree with light wood traditionally used for canoe hulls: camphor laurel
Bunun (Takituduh) dakuscamphor laurel: Cinnamomum camphora
Tsou cʔosəcamphor laurel: Cinnamomum Camphora
Kanakanabu cakesecamphor laurel: Cinnamomum camphora
Rukai (Budai) Dakesecamphor laurel: Cinnamomum camphora
Kavalan zaqescamphor
  msa-zaqesmake camphor oil
Amis rakescamphor tree
Paiwan ḍakescamphor laurel: CinnamomumJaponicum, Cinnamomum camphora

Note:   This comparison was first pointed out by Li (1994).

30027

*damuq menstrual blood?

6723

PAN     *damuq menstrual blood?

Formosan
Atayal (Squliq) ramoʔblood
Saisiyat ramoblood
Pazeh damublood
  mu-damubleed
Kavalan zamumenstruation
  m-zamuto menstruate
Paiwan djamuqblood
  pe-djamuqbleed

Note:   Also Puyuma damuk ‘blood’, Paiwan djaq ‘menstrual blood’, ma-djaq ‘menstruate’. This comparison presents an apparent contradiction, since it is in competition with *daRaq ‘blood’, a form that is widely attested in both Formosan and Malayo-Polynesian languages. The simplest explanation would appear to be that *daRaq was found in PAn in the meaning ‘blood’, and that *damuq is a later innovation spread by borrowing among Formosan languages. However, with the possible exception of Puyuma damuk, which may be an irregularly transmitted loanword from Paiwan, reflexes of *damuq show a geographical distribution within Taiwan that cannot easily be explained by borrowing. To reconcile these problems I propose that both words occurred in PAn, but with different meanings: *daRaq ‘blood’, *damuq ‘menstrual blood’. If this solution is correct Paiwan shows a reversal of meaning, reflecting *damuq in the meaning ‘blood’, and *daRaq in the meaning ‘menstrual blood’.

29901

*daqu₂ soapberry: Sapindus mukrossi, S. saponaria

6568

PAN     *daqu₂ soapberry: Sapindus mukrossi, S. saponaria

Formosan
Sakizaya raqusoapberry
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) daHusoapberry tree: Sapindus mukrossi
Bunun daqusoapberry
Rukai (Maga) a-Doosoapberry
Rukai (Tona) Dawsoapberry
Puyuma (Pinan) Daʔusoapberry
Paiwan (Butanglu) zaqusoapberry

Note:   Also Thao daqu (< Bunun), Kanakanabu, Saaroa caaʔu ‘soapberry; soap’. This comparison was first identified by Li (1994).

29902

*daRa₁ Formosan maple: Liquidambar formosana

6569

PAN     *daRa₁ Formosan maple: Liquidambar formosana

Formosan
Atayal ragathe Formosan maple, fam. Aceraceae
Seediq (Tkdaya) daraFormosan maple: Liquidambar formosana
Saisiyat (Taai) raLaɁFormosan maple: Liquidambar formosana
Pazeh daxaFormosan maple: Liquidambar formosana
Bunun dalaFormosan maple: Liquidambar formosana
Thao lhalhathe Formosan maple, fam. Aceraceae

Note:   This comparison was first pointed out by Li (1994).

30996

*daRiq soil, probably clay

8900

PAN     *daRiq soil, probably clay   [doublet: *daReq]

Formosan
Saisiyat (Taai) raLiʔearth, soil
Amis laliʔclay

29952

*dawiN far

6634

PAN     *dawiN far

Formosan
Tsou covhifar
Rukai (Tona) maʔa-davilifar
Taokas tavid//tavitfar
Puyuma a-dawilfar

Note:   This word was replaced by PMP *zauq.

TOP      di    du    

di

30244

*diNaŋ rust

7117

PAN     *diNaŋ rust

Formosan
Saisiyat rilaŋrust
Paiwan djilʸaŋrust, corrosion
  ma-djilʸaŋbecome rusty
  dj<m>ilʸaŋto cause to rust
Bunun (Isbukun) dinaŋrust (Shigeru Tsuchida, p.c., 2/29/12)

Note:   This is a startling comparison. Rust is iron oxide, and the existence of a word that can confidently be reconstructed with the meaning ‘rust’ implies a knowledge of iron in PAn, a claim that was first made without the benefit of the present comparison in Blust (1976). As noted in Blust (1999), a knowledge of iron does not necessarily imply a knowledge of metallurgy, and the total body of linguistic and archaeological evidence suggests that PAn speakers knew of iron ore, but the uses to which it was put remain unclear.

TOP      di    du    

du

30339

*dua over there, yonder

7323

PAN     *dua over there, yonder

Formosan
Pazeh duato go; that yonder
  diadi-duato move there
  mia-duato go over there (far away); that yonder, opposite side of the river or the mountain
  si-duato go there
Paiwan a-zuathat, those
  i zuathere, over there
  i-zuathere is, there exists
  pi-zu ato put there
  s<m>a-zuago there
Paiwan (Western) sa-zua-indestination
  zua-zua-infurthest

Note:   This important demonstrative morpheme, which figures in many derived expressions in both Pazeh and Paiwan, is unknown in any other language. While chance convergence and borrowing remain as alternative explanations that cannot be completely excluded, neither of these options is well-supported, and it therefore appears most plausible to attribute *dua to Proto-Austronesian.

30014

*dukduk₁ ginger

6708

PAN     *dukduk₁ ginger

Formosan
Pazeh dukudukginger: Zingiber officinale
Thao suksukginger: Zingiber officinale
Tsou cucʔuginger: Zingiber officinale
Saaroa suusukuginger: Zingiber officinale

Note:   This comparison was first noted by Li (1994). Li and Tsuchida (2001) note that the pioneering Japanese Formosanist Naoyoshi Ogawa recorded Pazeh dukuduk as dukduk in the 1930s. Since Ogawa’s transcriptions are generally reliable, this suggests that Pazeh has only recently broken up medial consonant clusters in reduplicated monosyllables by vowel copying. PAn *dukduk was replaced by PMP *laqia ‘ginger’.

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Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, web edition
Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel
www.trussel2.com/ACD
2010: revision 7/13/2019
email: Blust (content) – Trussel (production)
Formosan-Index-d