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Updated: 11/23/2019

 

Austronesian Comparative Dictionary

Formosan

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*t   

te    ti    tu    

32111

*tabi plough

10356

PAN     *tabi plough

Formosan
Seediq tabeplough; a very simple tool made of a stake (now iron-shod), inserted at a 60 degree angle into a long wooden frame pulled by a buffalo or a man
  tbi-anarable
Kavalan tabia plough
  t<m>abito till the land

Note:   Possibly a loan distribution, as ploughing by Formosan aborigines probably was first acquired after contact with the Chinese. However, a loan source is yet to be identified, and Kavalan and Seediq, although geographically not distant from one another, had very little known contact during historical times.

30283

*tadaw kind of large knife

7195

PAN     *tadaw kind of large knife

Formosan
Pazeh tadawknife (for fighting, hunting)
Puyuma taɖawa large knife, single-edged knife with a wooden handle

30341

*takis sword

7325

PAN     *takis sword

Formosan
Taokas takishsword
Paiwan tjakitlarge knife, sword; sickle (Western dialect)

Note:   Taokas material in Tsuchida (1982) is drawn from several sources, each of which is carefully labeled. The form takish was recorded by the pioneering Formosanist Naoyoshi Ogawa in 1901. Since the few relevant examples from the same source suggest that Taokas reflects *s as h before a vowel and as zero word-finally (*susu > huhu ‘breast’, *timus > timu ‘salt’), the implied change *-s > -sh in this form may indicate that it is a loan distribution, although the languages in which it is found have not been in contact within the historical period and the transfer between languages would have to have taken place before *s > -t in Paiwan.

30003

*tanaq a plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)

6697

PAN     *tanaq a plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)

Formosan
Pazeh tanaa plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)
Thao ta-tanaqa tiny plant with thorny stem and dark green pointed aromatic leaves that are used both as seasoning in cooking and as medicine in the treatement of fevers, colds and respiratory problems: Aralia decaisneana
Tsou tnooa plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)
Kanakanabu tanaʔea plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)
Saaroa tanaʔea plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)
Rukai (Budai) tanaa plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)
Kavalan tania plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)
Paiwan tjanaqAralia decaisneana

Note:   Also Atayal (Mayrinax), Bunun (Takituduh) tanaʔ ‘a plant: Aralia decaisneana (Hance)’. This comparison was first noted by Li (1994).

30284

*tanayan bamboo sp.

7196

PAN     *tanayan bamboo sp.

Formosan
Saisiyat tanayankind of bamboo
Basai tenayanbamboo, bamboo fence
Kavalan tenayanbamboo (generic)

31353

*taNah red

9434

PAN     *taNah red

Formosan
Atayal (Squliq) m-talahred
Atayal (Mayrinax) ma-tanahred
Atayal (Palŋawan) ma-tanahred
Seediq (Toŋan) ma-tanahred
Taokas ma-tanared

Note:   Possibly an Atayalic loanword in the now extinct Taokas. Weighing against this interpretation is the observation that Atayalic languages seem to have been moving northward from central Taiwan (present Nantou county) during the past several centuries, indicating that there probably was greater distance between them and the Taokas during the time period when borrowing might have occurred.

30327

*taNam to taste, try

7298

PAN     *taNam to taste, try

Formosan
Atayal talamto try, to taste; to ask about the future, to tell the future
Pazeh talamto taste
Thao tazamto taste, to try
  mashin-tazamto weigh something on a hand balance
  pu-tazamto try or test something
Bunun tanamto try, taste
Tsou oo-thom-əto taste
Kanakanabu ku-a-tanáməto taste
Saaroa m-aku-a-talhaməto taste
Amis tanamto try to do something; to taste
Puyuma talamtry; participate; taste in swallowing
Saisiyat talamto try
  ʃan-talamto taste

Note:   Also Kavalan talam ‘to taste’, Itbayaten taxam ‘taste, savor, flavor’, ma-naxam ‘to taste’, both of which appear to have been borrowed from a language in which *N became l.

30004

*taRuqan field hut; temporary shelter used when working for extended periods in fields far from the village

6698

PAN     *taRuqan field hut; temporary shelter used when working for extended periods in fields far from the village

Formosan
Saisiyat taLœʔænhouse
Pazeh taxuanhut, shack, shelter
Thao talhuqantemporary hut used when spending extended periods in the fields for agricultural work
Bunun taluqanhunter’s hut; a hut or place in which to dream an omen about wars or hunting
Amis taloʔanhut, temporary shelter for use in the fields

Note:   Also Amis talokan ‘a chicken coop’. Throughout that part of the Austronesian world in which grain crops are grown it is common for workers to sleep overnight in fieldhuts when engaged in agricultural work at some distance from the home village. No equivalent of this term has been found in Malayo-Polynesian languages, although the practice of using field huts is common in areas such as Borneo or Sumatra.

30005

*tatak hoe

6699

PAN     *tatak hoe

Formosan
Pazeh tatakhoe
  taa-tatakis cutting down tall grass or shrubs with a scythe or a machete by holding in aloft and swinging down
Pazeh (Kahabu) tatakhoe
Kavalan tatakhoe
  t<m>atakto hoe, dig earth with a hoe
  sa-t<m>a-t<m>atakto pretend to hoe, pretend to work with a hoe

Note:   Kavalan normally reflects *k as /q/, but Li and Tsuchida (2006:7) observe that *k sometimes became /k/ in words that do not appear to be borrowed, as in *likud ‘back’ > ku-rikuz ‘follow’ or *siku > siku ‘elbow’.

TOP      te    ti    tu    

te

30006

*tenem sea, ocean

6700

PAN     *tenem sea, ocean

Formosan
Kanakanabu tənəməsea
Saaroa tənəməsea
Amis tnemsalty water (as is found in the village of Haciriwan)
Puyuma tenemexpanse of water (by extension, in the south, where one finds the sea the shamans employ the archaisms bayan, teber
  tenempond, marsh

Note:   This term was replaced in PMP by *tasik ‘sea, saltwater’.

28465

*tenep dive, submerge

5589

PAN     *tenep submerge

Formosan
Pazeh mu-tenepto drown, submerge, inundate
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) tenepsubmerge

Note:   Also Ilokano táneb ‘submerge partly, immerse in part’, ma-tnéb ‘to sink’. With root *-ñeb ‘dive, submerge’.

TOP      te    ti    tu    

ti

30353

*timu salt

7346

PAN     *timu salt

Formosan
Atayal cimusalt
Seediq (Truku) timusalt
  s-timucrave salt, crave salty things
Saisiyat timosalt
Taokas timusalt
Proto-Rukai *timosalt

Note:   This is a frustrating comparison. First, although *timu appears to be assignable to PAn in the meaning ‘salt’, it is in competition with *qasiRa for this meaning, and the latter form has a far stronger pedigree throughout Austronesian. Second, PAn *timu shows an apparently greater than chance similarity with PWMP *timus, yet no Formosan language reflects *-s. Tentatively, then, PAn *timu and PWMP *timus are treated as chance resemblances, and the semantic distinction between PAn *timu and *qasiRa or PWMP *timus and *qasiRa remains unclear.

30354

*timuRmuR rinse the mouth

7347

PAN     *timuRmuR rinse the mouth

Formosan
Kavalan timmuRto keep something in one’s mouth (as sugar)
Puyuma TimuRmuRrinse one’s mouth and spit

Note:   With root *-muR ‘gargle, rinse the mouth’.

TOP      te    ti    tu    

tu

30564

*tumaNa to hear, listen

7923

PAN     *tumaNa to hear, listen

Formosan
Taokas temadato hear
Pazeh tumalato hear, to listen
Thao tmazato hear, listen
Tsou tmaləto hear, listen

7924

PAN     *pa-tumaNa to make someone listen

Formosan
Pazeh pa-tumalato make someone listen
Thao pa-tmazacause someone to hear something, make someone listen; read to someone
  ta-tmazalisten in on someone, eavesdrop

7925

PAN     *t<um>umaNa to hear, listen

Formosan
Thao t<un>mazato hear, listen, understand (a language)
Hoanya t<um>mālato hear
Saaroa t<um>imaɬato hear

Note:   Also Bunun (Ferrell 1969) taʔaza ‘to hear’, Saaroa timalha to hear. This is the only known PAn trisyllable which contains the base-internal sequence *um following an initial consonant. It was thus vulnerable to misanalysis as a disyllabic base *taNa, although this type of change evidently was rare (the only known reflex in which the base may have been interpreted as containing the actor voice infix * is Bunun tanʔa (Jeng 1971) ‘to hear’, which is doubly irregular in also containing postconsonantal glottal stop, and so may be a chance resemblance.

32434

*t<um>imaNa to hear, listen

10760

PAN     *timaNa to hear, listen

Formosan
Thao tmazahear, listen
  pa-tmazamake someone listen; read to someone
  ta-tmazaeavesdrop, listen secretly
Tsou tmaləto hear; accept

10761

PAN     *t<um>imaNa to hear, listen

Formosan
Thao t<un>mazato hear, listen, understand (a spoken language)
Saaroa t<um>imaɫato hear

30298

*tuquN an evergreen tree, probably Acacia confusa

7233

PAN     *tuquN an evergreen tree, probably Acacia confusa

Formosan
Pazeh tul ~ tunpine tree
Paiwan tuqulʸa tree: Acacia confusa

Note:   The gloss for Pazeh tul ~ tun is clearly underspecified. However, since PAn *saleŋ meant ‘pine tree’, the best alternative gloss for *tuquN must be the acacia, which as an evergreen, might easily be mislabeled as a pine.

29998

*tuRukuk chicken

6690

PAN     *tuRukuk chicken

Formosan
Bunun tulukukrooster
Saaroa toroko:kəchicken
Puyuma turukukfowl, poultry

Note:   Also Tsou troʔua, Kanakanabu tarukúuka, Saaroa tarukuuka, Proto-Rukai *tarokoko, Kavalan traquq ‘chicken’. This word undoubtedly is onomatopoetic, and so could have arisen independently through sound-imitation. However, convergent results of onomatopoeia in related languages rarely exhibit regular sound correspondences as in the present case, and a reconstruction therefore appears justified. It is possible that PAn *tuRukuk referred only to roosters.

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Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, web edition
Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel
www.trussel2.com/ACD
2010: revision 11/23/2019
email: Blust (content) – Trussel (production)
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