Updated: 10/28/2014
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Blust's
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary

Cognate Sets

*q   

qe    qi    qo    qu    

27694

*qa₁ locative particle

4395

PAN     *qa₁ locative particle     [disjunct: *Sa₂]

Formosan
Atayal qa-nithis, these; here
WMP
Maranao a-nanthat
Kayan (Uma Juman) a-nanthat
Malagasy a-a prefix used like an-, am-, and i-, to make a noun into a preposition; e.g. morona '(the) edge', amorona 'at the edge'; nosy 'an island', anosy 'on an island'
Tontemboan a-(followed or not followed by a nasal), prefix that expresses the dative or locative: to, in, at, on, toward, with, over
Bolaang Mongondow a-prefixed marker of location; a monik 'above, on top', a monag 'below, underneath'
OC
Tolai apreposition: to, in, of, at
Chuukese a-locative prefix, at
Mono-Alu -asuffix of place
Mota a-simple preposition, locative; at; before infinitive verb, to; used before the names of places; forms compound preposition, avune 'on', etc.
Samoan a-particle occurring in certain nominal constructions, especially with locatives
Maori a-particle used before names of places and local nouns when they (a) stand as subject in a sentence, (b) are repeated by way of explanation

27544

*qabaŋ₁ boat, canoe

4097

PAN     *qabaŋ₁ boat, canoe

Formosan
Kanakanabu abaŋuboat, canoe
Saaroa ʔabaŋəboat, canoe
Proto-Rukai *avaŋəboat, canoe
Siraya avaŋboat, sampan
WMP
Itbayaten avaŋbig boat with sail and oar, but (operated) mainly by sail, with about thirty crew members and about thirty passengers. It is not used any more
  maŋ-avaŋgo to a far place by avaŋ
Casiguran Dumagat abeŋcanoe, small boat (with outriggers); to travel by boat
Gaddang abaŋboat, canoe
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) avaŋsmall boat, dugout canoe
Maranao awaŋboat
Tiruray ʔawaŋcanoe or small boat powered by paddle or outboard motor
Moken kabaŋhouseboat, group of Moken boats
Mentawai abakboat; travel by boat

Note:   Also Tsou apaŋə ‘boat, canoe, Favorlang abak ‘small boat or sampan’. Given the independent evidence for PAn *layaR ‘sail’ we can be sure that PAn speakers had boats with sails. However, we cannot be certain that they possessed the outrigger, since *saRman ‘outrigger float’ and other terms connected with the outrigger canoe complex are reconstructible only to PMP. As noted in Blust (1999) the Austronesian settlement of Taiwan may have been accomplished with bamboo sailing rafts, leaving open the possibility that the *qabaŋ was a simple dugout canoe used on interior rivers.

27545

*qabaŋ₂ float

4098

PWMP     *qabaŋ₂ float

WMP
Malay (h)ambaŋafloat in mid-air. Of a bird resting on its pinions; of the newly risen sun and moon as they leave the horizon
Simalur abaŋto fly
Tae' aaŋfloat, drift on the water
Proto-South Sulawesi *a(b)aŋfloat, drift

4099

PWMP     *qabaŋ qabaŋ float

WMP
Manobo (Kalamansig Cotabato) abaŋ-abaŋbe floating
Karo Batak abaŋ-abaŋtree with large leguminous fruits that produce very light, winged seeds
Dairi-Pakpak Batak abaŋ-abaŋfly about in the air like a bird

Note:   Also Toba Batak habaŋ-habaŋ ‘fly back and forth, of a flag’.

27585

*qambaR tasteless, insipid

4191

PMP     *qambaR tasteless, insipid     [doublet: *tabaR]

WMP
Banjarese hambartasteless, insipid
Rejang ambeatasteless, as food that lacks salt or some other spice; ineffectual medicine, medicine that has lost its therapeutic power
Sundanese hambartepid, lukewarm (water), tasteless, insipid (as vegetables or meat without salt); indifferent, sluggish
Balinese ambahweak, tasteless (e.g., lime for betel)
Makasarese ambaraʔhaving lost its taste or force (as wine, cajuput oil, perfumes, vinegar, salt, glue that has lost its adhesiveness, magic formula that no longer works, etc.)
CMP
Ngadha abatasteless, very mild, insipid
Rotinese afa-afaodorless, tasteless, insipid (cooked rice, meat, sirih leaf with betel chew, etc.)

27538

*qabaRa₁ shoulder

4087

PAN     *qabaRa₁ shoulder

Formosan
Saisiyat (Taai) ʔæbalʸashoulder
Pazeh ʔabaxaʔshoulder (Ferrell 1968)
Amis ʔafalashoulder
  paki-ʔafalacarry on the shoulders

4088

PMP     *qabaRa₃ shoulder; carry on the shoulder

WMP
Ilokano y-abágaplace on the shoulder
Isneg abáxashoulder
Itawis abáhashoulder
Ilokano abágashoulder
Yogad abagashoulder
Ibaloy abadashoulder
Pangasinan abaláshoulder
Sambal (Botolan) abayashoulder
Bikol abágashoulder; side of a mountain
Kalamian Tagbanwa kabalaupper arm
Aklanon abága(h)shoulder(s); take responsibility, to shoulder, take on
Cebuano abágashoulder; take responsibility for accomplishing something
  abagá-hunbroad-shouldered
Palawan Batak ʔabagáshoulder
Mansaka abagáshoulder
Maranao wagashoulder
Tiruray warashoulder
Bilaan (Koronadal) balashoulder next to the neck
Berawan (Long Terawan) bikihshoulder
Ngaju Dayak bahashoulder
Jarai brashoulder
Rhade mrashoulder
Karo Batak barashoulder
Toba Batak abarashoulder
  maŋ-abaracarry on the shoulder
  paŋ-abara-anwooden pole or burden which rests on the shoulders in carrying
Bolaang Mongondow obagashoulder
Bare'e awaashoulder
Mori oweashoulder
Wolio awaashoulder (esp. the fore part)
Muna ghoweashoulder; carry together on shoulders
Chamorro apagacarry (something) on the shoulder; shoulder
CMP
Li'o warashoulder
Leti waracarry on the shoulder
Selaru harcarry on the shoulder
Yamdena baretake, have, or carry on the shoulder
Fordata avaratake, have, or carry on the shoulder
Elat fara-shoulder
Hitu halashoulder
Sekar bara-rshoulder
  ba-bare, ba-bara-nthe outermost point of the shoulder
SHWNG
Waropen awarocarry on the shoulder
OC
Gitua baracarry on shoulder
Ubir abara-nshoulder
Gapapaiwa kavarashoulder
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka avala-nahis shoulder; carry something on the shoulder
Molima ʔavala-na, avala-nashoulder
  avalacarry, esp. on the shoulder
Dobuan ʔara-nashoulder
Tolai ul-a-vara-nashoulder; clavicle
Selau war-warashoulder
Mono-Alu falashoulder
Roviana avara-nashoulder
Nggela valashoulder; collarbone
'Āre'āre ahara-nashoulder
Sa'a ahalashoulder
Marshallese aerāshoulder
Chuukese afarshoulder (of human, animal, bottle)
Woleaian yefar (yafara)shoulder
Puluwat yayéfar'shoulder, load carried on the shoulder

4089

PAN     *qabaRa-an shoulder (?)

Formosan
Pazeh abaxa-nshoulder (Ferrell 1969)
Paiwan qava-nshoulder
Amis ʔafaraʔ-anshoulder (Ferrell 1969)
WMP
Kankanaey abága-nshoulder (used only in tales)

Note:   Also Gaddang afa ‘shoulder’, Tboli abal ‘shoulder’, Sa'a hala ‘shoulder’, Sa'a apala ‘shoulder’. In addition to meaning ‘shoulder’, unaffixed reflexes of PMP *qabaRa mean ‘to carry on the shoulder’ in various CEMP languages, and in Chamorro. Although one would normally expect the body part term to be semantically primary and the verb derived, PAn *qabaRa-an (‘place of shoulder-carrying’) suggests that *qabaRa originally meant ‘carry on the shoulder’. Some WMP and OC languages irregularly reflect this form without the initial syllable (Maranao waga, Tiruray wara, Mono-Alu fala, Nggela vala, etc.). This may indicate that *qabaRa contains a prefix *qa- seen also in *qa-lima ‘hand’ and perhaps *qa-qaqi ‘foot’ (although tentatively I have reconstructed the latter as *qaqay). PMP *baRa ‘hand, arm’ seems clearly to be distinct, as it is reflected with the meaning ‘hand’ in the great majority of witnesses.

27539

*qabaRa₂ topmost hand of banana stalk

4090

PMP     *qabaRa₂ topmost hand of banana stalk

WMP
Mansaka abágatop hand on a stalk of bananas
OC
Molima ʔavala-na, avala-natopmost hands of banana

Note:   Probably a metaphorical extension of *qabaRa₁ (the ‘shoulders’ of the banana stalk). Although Mansaka abága ‘top hand on a stalk of bananas’ and abagá ‘shoulder’ carry different accents, this divergence may have arisen from historical changes which were intended to more clearly distinguish between forms no longer regarded as related. For Molima Chowning (n.d. b.) gives a single lexical entry ʔavala-na, avala-na ‘shoulder; topmost hands of banana’.

27540

*qabaS notch cut in a tree

4091

PAN     *qabaS notch cut in a tree

Formosan
Paiwan qavasa blaze (mark cut on tree to show ownership)
WMP
Kayan avaʔnotch or partial cut in a tree; a wound

Note:   Possibly a product of convergent innovations.

27586

*qambat ambush, block the way; obstacle, hindrance

4192

PMP     *qambat ambush, block the way; obstacle, hindrance     [doublet: *abaŋ₁]

WMP
Ilokano ábatintercept, stop on the way
Tagalog abat-ánwaylay or ambush (someone)
Malagasy ámbatratongue-tied
Iban ambatintercept, (hence) stalk prey as a cat does; block, surround and catch
Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-hambatrestrain, hinder, block, obstruct
Karo Batak abathindrance
  ambathold back, hinder, detain
Toba Batak abathindrance, impediment, obstacle
  ambatstopped, delayed
  maŋ-ambatobstruct, hold back, hold up
Minangkabau ambatto obstruct
CMP
Kambera ambacheck, stop, hold back (as a horse); obstruct the way

Note:   Also Toba Batak abot ‘hindrance, impediment, obstacle’.

27541

*qabated sago grub

4092

PMP     *qabated sago grub     [disjunct: *qabateR]

WMP
Manobo (Dibabawon) abatodedible larva of palm tree beetle
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) evatedcorn worm

4093

POC     *qapator sago grub     [disjunct: *qapatoR]

OC
Nggela vatospecies of grub eaten as food on Mala
Lau safaogrub that eats sago palms
'Āre'āre rahaobig white worm living in dead trees
Sa'a sahaogrub found in fallen logs of breadfruit tree, supposed to turn into the cockchafer beetle
Fijian yavatoa grub in a tree which develops into the coleopterus called qou (large coleopterus resembling a stag beetle)
Tongan ʔofatokind of white grub found in timber (sometimes eaten by Tongans)

Note:   Also Samoan ʔafato ‘grub, larva (some are edible)’, Rennellese ahato ‘Longicorn beetle, Olethrius tyrranus Thompson, Wolff, highly desired as food’. Entirely apart from the evidence for disjuncts *qabated and *qabateR, there are several noteworthy irregularities in this comparison. First, although Tongan appears to confirm the initial *q-, it has first-syllable /o/ rather than the anticipated **a/. Second, Samoan has an initial glottal stop for expected zero, finally and Rennellese has initial zero for expected glottal stop.

27542

*qabateR sago grub

4094

PMP     *qabateR sago grub     [doublet: *qabatiR]    [disjunct: *qabated]

WMP
Bolaang Mongondow obatoglarge larva in e.g. a sago palm or a coconut palm
CMP
Paulohi hatelelarva of the beetle Euchirus longimanus L. which lives in the trunks of sago palms and is eaten as a delicacy
  hatele ina-isago beetle
SHWNG
Buli patakind of edible worm found in sago palms

4095

POC     *qapatoR sago grub     [disjunct: *qapator]

OC
Kove awatolusago grub
Lau safaogrub that eats sago palms
Fijian yavatoa grub in a tree which develops into the coleopterus called qou (large coleopterus resembling a stag beetle)
Tongan ʔofatokind of white grub found in timber (sometimes eaten by Tongans)

Note:   Also Ilokano bátar ‘a kind of white larva’, b<in>átar ‘infested by the bátar larva’, Bontok bátel ‘the grub of a kind of wood-boring beetle’, Ifugaw bat-batól ‘great green caterpillar covered with hair’, Ifugaw (Batad) bātol ‘a large larva, of a long-horned beetle … or a honey bee’, Simalur batəl ‘white woodworm’, Mentawai batara ‘beetle larva’, Sasak batah ‘worm (in maize, trees, rice)’, batah pandan ‘larva of the pandanus beetle’, Bolaang Mongondow obatok ‘large larva in e.g. a sago palm or a coconut palm’, Rembong wate ‘wood grub’, and Nggela vato ‘a species of grub, eaten as food on Mala’.

For Paulohi of the central Moluccas Stresemann (1918) gives hatele ina-i (‘mother of the sago grub’) as the name of the adult growth stage. In a similar vein, Elbert (1975) notes that among the Polynesian-speaking Rennellese of the Southeastern Solomons "Informants are uncertain as to the "mother" of the ahato, but possibly the manumogi, which deposits eggs in certain trees." This suggests that at least by PCEMP times the mature growth stage was represented lexically by a genitive construction *ina ni qabateR.

27543

*qabatiR sago grub

4096

PMP     *qabatiR sago grub     [doublet: *qabateR]

WMP
Ilokano abátira grub that attacks wood, bamboo, etc.
OC
Loniu hetsago grub
Ere ehetsago grub
Titan aetsago grub
Pak kehersago grub
Penchal kahItsago grub
Lenkau kehetrsago grub

Note:   Also Ilokano bátir ‘a kind of larva, white worm’, batir-en ‘plant disease caused by the bátir’, Nauna kahek ‘sago grub’.

27587

*qambawaŋ large mango: Mangifera odorata

4193

PWMP     *qambawaŋ large mango: Mangifera odorata

WMP
Ngaju Dayak hambawaŋtree which bears a sour fruit resembling the mango
Simalur abawaŋlarge mango: Mangifera odorata
Nias hambawafruit tree
Old Javanese (h)ambawaŋkind of mango
Bare'e ambawavery large mango variety with a strong turpentine odor which grows primarily on the shore: Mangifera odorata
Tae' ambaaŋlarge mango variety with a strong turpentine odor: Mangifera odorata

Note:   Also Malay bacaŋ, embacaŋ, macaŋ, membacaŋ ‘horse-mango: Mangifera foetida’, Toba Batak ambasaŋ ‘tree with edible fruit; a large kind of mango’, Makasarese taipa macaŋ ‘mango-tree: Mangifera indica’. I take Malay embacaŋ and macaŋ to be innovative forms of *qambawaŋ which were borrowed into Toba Batak and Makasarese respectively.

27707

*qa(m)bej wind around

4408

PWMP     *qa(m)bej wind around     [doublet: *Ra(m)bej]

WMP
Bikol ambódto wrap; to band, bandage
Malay (h)ambatnoose at the deck-end of a boat's stays
Balinese ambedstrap, girth (horse)

Note:   With root *-bej ‘wind around repeatedly’.

27588

*qambeŋ obstruct, block the way

4194

PWMP     *qambeŋ obstruct, block the way     [disjunct: *habeŋ]

WMP
Cebuano ábuŋbar, block the way; something which blocks the way
Old Javanese (h)ambeŋhalted, restrained, prevented
Bolaang Mongondow amboŋdam, dyke, kind of obstacle or roping off
  mog-amboŋto dam up, put an obstacle in the way

Note:   Also Manggarai ambaŋ ‘obstruct, impede’.

27594

*qabi take hold of, grasp

4203

POC     *qabi take hold of, grasp     [disjunct: *ampi]

OC
Gedaged abitake hold of, grab, seize, grasp, clutch, take
Numbami -ambihold, get, take
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka abitake hold of something, grasp something
Kilivila kabihold, take hold of

27589

*qambiday carry slung over the shoulder

4195

PPh     *qambiday carry slung over the shoulder     [disjunct: *qambijay]

WMP
Ilokano abídayto throw (a blanket, etc.) over the shoulder
Cebuano ambílaycarry something with a strap slung over the shoulder

Note:   Also Ilokano abáday ‘carry something in a band slung over the shoulder’, Kalamian Tagbanwa kablay ‘carry something by suspending it from the shoulder diagonally’, Maranao abelai ‘hang over shoulder, sling across shoulder’, Maranao ambelai ‘put hand around shoulder’. The initial *q in this form is posited on the basis of the similar but non-corresponding Kalamian Tagbanwa form kablay.

27590

*qambijay carry slung over the shoulder

4196

PPh     *qambijay carry slung over the shoulder     [disjunct: *qambiday]

WMP
Ilokano abígayto throw (a blanket, etc.) over the shoulder
Cebuano ambílaycarry something with a strap slung over the shoulder

27546

*qabin hold or carry under the arm

4100

PMP     *qabin hold or carry under the arm

WMP
Maranao abincarry on or near the stomach
Karo Batak abinhold in the lap, hold or carry against the bosom
  abin-abin-enthe lap
Alas abinhug a child who is cold
Old Javanese (h)awinbear, bring along (weapon, insignia, betel set), of someone escorting a person of rank
Balinese abinhold in the lap
Banggai abincarry in the arms
Uma -awiput in the lap
Muna ghawilap, hold in the lap
Palauan ʔ-il-ablcarried under the arm
  ʔa-ʔabl(mother and child) walk together, with child carried under mother's arm
OC
Bugotu avin-icarry in the arms
Nggela avicarry a child under the arm
Sa'a äpihold under the arm, hold close to the body

4101

PWMP     *meŋ-qabin hold or carry under the arm

WMP
Karo Batak ŋ-abinhold or carry in the lap
Banggai maŋ-abincarry in the arms
  moŋ-obin-itake in the arms
Palauan meŋ-ablcarry under the arm

Note:   Also Maranao aben ‘hold in the lap’, Kenyah (Long Wat) bin ‘carry on the back’, Melanau (Mukah) bin ‘carry on the back’. Toba Batak abiŋ ‘carry in the lap; carry off a woman by force’, abiŋ-an ‘lap, place where one carries a child’, Nggela avih-i ‘carry a child under the arm’. Although the gloss given to this form is justified by very similar meanings in both WMP and OC languages, an essential part of the meaning in PWMP appears to have been a condition that the contact between thing carried and person carrying was on or near the lower abdomen.

27547

*qabiq finished, used up; all, every one

4102

PWMP     *qabiq finished, used up; all, every one     [doublet: *qabis]

WMP
Rungus Dusun avifinished, used up
Kadazan avidwindle away, finish
  mag-avito finish completely, consume, use up, exhaust, spend
  ŋa-aviall, every, everything
Tagol ka-awiʔall
Miri m-abiʔto finish
Iban ambihfinished
Proto-Chamic *abihall
Acehnese habéhfinished, done, at an end

Note:   Also Javanese kabéh ‘(in) all, every one’.

27548

*qabis finished, used up; all, every one

4103

PWMP     *qabis finished, used up; all, every one     [doublet: *qabiq]

WMP
Kelabit abilast one
  abi-abiall, evey one
  ŋ-abito finish
Iban abiseveryone, all, the whole, entirely; finished, used up
Malay habisdone with; all used up; finished off
Old Javanese (h)awisfinished, completely gone

Note:   Also Sangir kebiʔ ‘all, every’.

27554

*qabu ash, cinder, powder

4114

PAN     *qabu₁ ash, cinder, powder

Formosan
Proto-Atayalic *qabu-lidashes
Saisiyat ʔaeboashes, powder
Pazeh ʔabuʔashes
Kavalan ibuashes
Favorlang aboashes or cinders; lime
Bunun (Takituduh) qabuash (Li 1988)
Amis ʔafoashes; fertilizer
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Havuashes
  kaR-Havu-Havuashy (of color)
Paiwan qavuashes; betel lime

4115

PMP     *qabu₂ ash, hearth, cinder, powder, dust; gray

WMP
Itbayaten avoashes, ash (which can be used as soap)
Isneg abóashes
  ab-abóthe powder that covers the body of locusts
Itawis ahúash
Casiguran Dumagat abúfireplace, ashes, stove
Bontok ʔabúashes which settle after something is burned; dust which settles after pounding rice or cleaning something
Kankanaey abódust (used instead of abé in mourning songs)
Ilokano áboash-gray; cock with gray plumage and reddish tail
Kapampangan abúashes
Tagalog abóashes
Bikol abóash, cinder
Kalamian Tagbanwa kabuash
Aklanon abó(h)ash(es); to make ashes
Cebuano abúashes
Palawan Batak ʔáboashes
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) avufireplace; stove
Tiruray ʔawewashes
Kadazan t-avuash
  man-avu-nspread ashes in the nursery
Kelabit abuhashes
Kenyah (Long Wat) avewashes
  umaʔ avewkitchen
Berawan (Long Terawan) akkuhashes
Bintulu avewashes, dust
Kenyah abuash, stove
Kayan avoʔfireplace, hearth
Murik abuʔashes from the cooking fire; hearth
Iban abudust, fine ash
Moken kaboidust on road, dirt, ashes
Malay (h)abuash; powder produced by combustion; "ash-colored", as a descriptive name for animals
Karo Batak r-abu-abuplay in the dust
Simalur afukitchen, hearth, cooking place
  afu-afufireplace for warming women after childbirth
Karo Batak abuash, dust
Nias hawufine ash, as cigarette ash; remainder, sweepings, rubbish, dust, powder
Mentawai abuwhite ash
Sundanese hawufireplace, hearth, overn
Old Javanese (h)awuash, ashes
  hawu-hawupowder
Javanese awuash
Balinese abuashes, earth mixed with ash; cigar-ash; dirt; dust, powder
Sasak au-auash
Proto-Sangiric *abuashes, dust
Sangir awuash
Proto-Minahasan *abuash, dust
Gorontalo wahuashes from the hearth
Bolaang Mongondow abuash, hearth, cooking place (part of the house)
Bare'e awuash, dust
Tae' auash
  punti aukind of banana that is grayish when unripe
Proto-South Sulawesi *a(b)udust, ashes
Makasarese abu-abugray (of substances)
  auash, dust
Muna ghabukitchen; ashes
Palauan ʔabashes; fireplace; hearth
  ʔebú-lits ashes
  ʔebe-ʔabdust (especially under house)
Chamorro apuash -- the remaining substance of what was burned
CMP
Bimanese awuash, remainder of something that has been burnt; hearth
Manggarai awuash
Ngadha avudust, powder, earth, ash
  da avuash gray
Li'o awuash
Sika ʔawunative cooking place; hearth; ash; gray
  ʔawu-ʔareŋburned to ash
  awu-ŋash gray
Kambera auhearth; ash; ash-colored, gray
Hawu awudust; gray, blue
  awu raʔuash
Rotinese afuash, dust; in combining forms: ash-colored, gray
Leti awuash
Selaru afu-rehearth
Yamdena afuash; hearth
Soboyo afuash
SHWNG
Serui-Laut wawuash
Waropen awuhearth, ash

4116

POC     *qapu ashes, dust

OC
Lou kɔpdust (open 'o')
Mussau auash
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka avuashes
Gitua avu-avuash
Tolai kăbuashes, dust, cinders; grey, dusty (a with breve)

4117

PWMP     *ma-qabu covered with ashes; ashen, gray

WMP
Itbayaten ma-avoashy
Kelabit m-abuhdusty, covered with dust or ashes
Kenyah m-abudusty
Malagasy m-avobrown; grey?
Old Javanese ma-hawusmear oneself with ash?
Gorontalo ma-ahuburned up, turned to ash
Bare'e ma-awuextremely numerous, as grains of dust
Palauan me-ʔab(atmostphere, view) dim/blurred; grayish

4118

PWMP     *maŋ-qabu cover with ashes, put ashes on

WMP
Kelabit ŋ-abuhmake dusty, cover with ashes or dust
Bintulu meŋ-avewcover with ashes
Old Javanese aŋ-hawubecome ashes
Javanese ŋ-awuscatter ashes onto
Palauan meŋ-ábput ashes on, get ashes in

4119

PWMP     *paR-qabu-an place of ashes

WMP
Itbayaten pi-avo-anash tray
Javanese p-awo-nkitchen
Sasak p-ao-nkitchen

4120

PWMP     *q<in>abu was covered with ashes

WMP
Kelabit n-abuhwas covered with ashes or dust
Old Javanese h-in-awu-hawumake into powder
Palauan ʔ-el-abhad ashes put on

4121

PAN     *qabu-an place of ashes; hearth

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Havu-anhearth
Paiwan qavu-qavu-anstove, three-stone fireplace for cooking
WMP
Itbayaten avo-anscatter ashes, put ash to
Kapampangan abw-anscour using ash
Tagalog ábuh-anash-tray, ashcan, table stove
Cebuano al-abúh-anstove or any place a fire for cooking is built
Tae' au-anbecome covered with dust (after sitting long in one place)

4122

PWMP     *qabu-en (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Tagalog abuh-ínclean (something) with ashes; ashy, gray or grayish
Bikol aboh-óngray; a grayish colored chicken
Aklanon abuh-óngray, ashen color(ed)
Cebuano abúh-unash-colored
  manuk ŋa abuhungray-colored cock
Old Javanese awu-hawu-n-enreduced to ashes? in a state of decay?

Note:   Also Nias awu ‘ash; hearth, kitchen’, Balinese awu ‘ashes, dust’, Balinese awon ‘ashes, ash’, Sasak abu ‘ash; ash-gray (specifically of carrier-pigeons)’, Sasak awu ‘ash from firewood in the kitchen’, Leti apu ‘ash’, Manam apoaŋ ‘fireplace, ashes’. *qabu is among the most widespread and stable morphemes in the Austronesian family. It referred to ashes, and prototypically to the ashes in the fireplace (hence its recurrent replacement of PMP *dapuR in the meaning ‘hearth’). Dyen (1953:29) erred doubly in positing *abuh, the erroneous initial following from his acceptance of Dempwolff's use of Tongan efu ‘ash’ (actually a reflex of *dapuR), and the erroneous final from his overconfidence in the evidentiary value of thematic -/h/ in the Tagalic languages.

Apart from the meanings given here it is likely that some form of *qabu was used to designate a type of plumage for domestic fowls in PPh (cf. Ilokano ábo ‘cock with gray plumage and reddish tail’, Cebuano manuk ŋa abúhun ‘gray-colored cock’), and perhaps in PWMP (cf. Sasak abu ‘ash-gray, specifically of carrier pigeons’). Finally, both the reduplication of *qabu in various daughter languages, and forms assigned to *paR-qabu-an here may be products of convergence. The same explanation probably accounts for the agreement of Kenyah (Long Wat) umaʔ avew ‘kitchen’ with Kambera uma aü ‘cooking place, place of the hearth fire’.

27549

*qabu qabu fish sp.

4104

PWMP     *qabu qabu fish sp.

WMP
Cebuano abuábufish sp.
Malay (Jakarta) ikan abu-abufish sp.
Banjarese anakan habuminute young of the murrel (Ophiocephalus striatus)

27550

*qabud strew, scatter, sprinkle

4105

PWMP     *qabud strew, scatter, sprinkle     [disjunct: *qambuR]

WMP
Cebuano ábudthrow grains to; drop grains into ahole in planting
Maranao abodfeed by casting grains, as to fowls
Javanese awurscattered; to scatter (as sand or rice grains)

Note:   Sundanese awur ‘strewing; to strew, scatter’ is assumed to be a borrowing from Javanese.

27551

*qabug dust

4106

PWMP     *qabug dust     [doublet: *qabuk]    [disjunct: *abuR]

WMP
Cebuano abúgdust; become dusty; turn into dust
Manobo (Dibabawon) abugdust
Malay (h)abokpowdery stuff; dust; chaff
Javanese awugcrumbled fine (of soil preparatory to planting)

27552

*qabuk dust, sawdust

4107

PMP     *qabuk dust, sawdust     [doublet: *apuk]

WMP
Tagalog abókthin dust; cinder; powder
Manobo (Tigwa) ali-abukdust
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) eliy-avukdust; of dust, to fly or be stirred up
Melanau (Mukah) abuktiny ash-like particles in the air (as from sago flour that is too dry)
Bintulu avuksawdust
Iban abokmess, shavings, sawdust, dust, padi bran
Malagasy maŋ-àvokadried up, dusty
Malay (h)abokpowdery stuff; dust; chaff; pollen; speck of dust; sawdust
Acehnese abōʔmould, dust, grit, sawdust, scrapings
Sundanese hawukdrab, ash-gray
Old Javanese brata hawukpenance in ashes?
  hawuk-hawukgreyish
  a-hawukgrey, ash-grey
Javanese abukpowder
Sasak awuk-awukash
Banggai abukfireplace, hearth

4108

POC     *qapuk dust

OC
Lou kɔpdust
Arosi sahudust, sawdust
  sahu-adust, sawdust, decayed wood

4109

PPh     *alik-qabuk dust

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat alik-abukdust (as the dust thrown up by a passing truck)
Kakiduge:n Ilongot alik-abukdust
Tagalog alik-abókdust (rising and falling upon surfaces)
Manobo (Dibabawon) alik-ábukdust

Note:   Also Bintulu abuk ‘sawdust’, Tongan afu-afu ‘fine drizzling rain’. With root *-buk₁ ‘decay, crumble; powder’.

Although reflexes of *qabu ‘ash’ and *qabuk ‘dust’ clearly are distinct in languages which preserve final consonants, the inclusion of Oceanic reflexes under *qabuk rather than *qabu is based entirely on semantic fit. Whereas *qabu evidently referred to ashes, and prototypically to the ashen residue in the hearth, *qabuk evidently designated a range of fine particulate matter produced without combustion (despite occasional semantic cross-over, as in the Sasak and Banggai reflexes). Although only the meanings ‘dust’ and ‘sawdust’ can be justified by the glosses of cognates in primary branches of MP, the meaning ‘powder’ can be added for PWMP. Consideration of the root *-buk₁ suggests further that PMP *qabuk probably referred additionally to the powder produced by weevil-infested, or decaying wood. Finally, Richardson (1885) cites Malagasy maŋ-àvoka under hávoka, but with a question mark indicating uncertainty regarding the shape of the unaffixed stem.

27591

*qambuR strew, scatter, sprinkle

4197

PWMP     *qambuR strew, scatter, sprinkle

WMP
Isneg ábugsprinkle with salt (sliced cucumbers, pineapples, etc.)
Iban amburscatter, sprinkle (as rice in feeding chickens)
Malay (h)amburletting drop here and there. Of seed being dropped on the ground (sowing with a round-arm motion is tabur)
Acehnese hambōstrew, sow, scatter
Karo Batak amburspill out, spill over, strew, scatter; cast a net
Dairi-Pakpak Batak meŋ-aburto scatter, as rice grains in sowing
Nias hawu-hawuthat with which something is cast or strewn
Tae' amboʔscatter seed, strew
Proto-South Sulawesi *ambuRstrew, scatter

Note:   Also Miri amur ‘to sow, scatter seeds’, Balinese ambur ‘spread about, scatter’, Bare'e ámbur-i ‘strew, scatter seed’.

27553

*qabut reach, overtake, catch up with

4110

PPh     *qabut reach, overtake, catch up with

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat abútcome together, reach, meet, overtake or catch up with someone on the trail
Ilokano ábutreach, be within one's reach, overtake, understand
Pangasinan ábotcatch up (with)
Kapampangan ábutreach; hand something to someone; understand
Tagalog ábotovertaken, abreast with
  abótwithin reach
Bikol abótarrive, come, reach
Hanunóo ʔábutreach, reaching, as with the hand; arriving
Kalamian Tagbanwa kabutarrive
Aklanon abótarrive, get to one's destination, go as far as; catch up (with/to); overcome by, overwhelmed
Hiligaynon abútarrive, reach, come to
Cebuano abútarrive, reach a place; have a feeling come over one; be overtaken; come to an orgasm
Mansaka abotarrive; yield (as from a farm crop)
Manobo (Dibabawon) abutarrive at, reach; come to pass, happen; of crops, to ripen
Central Sama um-abutextend, stretch, be enough
  ta-abutbe reached, overtaken

4111

PPh     *i-qabut to hand to

WMP
Ilokano y-ábutto bring within one's reach, to hand
Tagalog i-abóthand over (something) to
Bikol i-abótto pass something (as to pass the salt)

4112

PPh     *ma-qabut within reach (?)

WMP
Ilokano ma-ábutto reach, be within one's reach, overtake, understand
Cebuano ma-abútcan be done, reached

4113

PPh     *qabut-en be reached

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat abut-əncatch up with
Tagalog abut-inovertake (someone) or find (someone or something) upon reaching a place
Bikol abot-ónbe reached

Note:   Also Hanunóo áput ‘reach, reaching, as with the hand; arriving’, Hawu abo, abu ‘meet, come across, encounter’.

27555

*qaCay liver

4123

PAN     *qaCay liver

Formosan
Pazeh ʔasayliver
Saaroa ʔaciʔiliver
Bunun qatađliver
  qatađ babupork liver
Proto-Rukai *aθayliver
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaTayliver
Paiwan qatsayliver
Amis ʔatayliver

4125

PMP     *qatay liver; seat of the emotions, inner self: core, mind, will, desire, feeling, intelligence, understanding; to want or wish; hollow of the palm of the hand or sole of the foot; pith, as of bamboo

WMP
Itbayaten atayliver, nature (disposition)
Kankanaey áteyliver
Kapampangan áteliver
Tagalog atáyliver; arch of the sole of the foot
Hanunóo ʔatáyliver
Aklanon atáyliver (of animals or people)
  in-atáyliver disease
Hiligaynon atáyliver
Cebuano atáyliver; liver as the seat of emotions
  atay-átaythe hollow or fleshy part of the palm and its analogue in the foot
Palawan Batak ʔatáyliver
Mansaka atayliver
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) ateyliver
Maranao atayliver, seat of emotions, heart
Subanen/Subanun gatailiver
Tboli katayliver
Bonggi atiliver
Kelabit ateliver
  ate budukheart
  ate ruaʔlungs
Berawan (Long Terawan) atayliver
Melanau (Mukah) atayliver
Kayan ateyliver
Kenyah atayliver
  atay baplungs
Seru atoyheart
Ngaju Dayak ataeiheat, soul, sentiment (figuratively: the heart in love)
Malagasy atythe liver, the inside
Maloh ateliver
Iban atiheart, feeling, mind, disposition
Jarai hetayliver
Rhade atieliver; plant pith
Malay hatiheart; core; seat of certain feelings. Anatomically the "blood-eagle" made up of liver (limpa), gall (hempedu) and heart proper (jantoŋ hati, buah hati); commonly hati is 'heart' as the seat of emotion and also of one's secret thoughts; hati is used by mystics in the sense almost of character or human nature; but hati is used most commonly in the sense of active feeling in contrast to mere passive sensation; cf. 'to feel cool' (badan sejok) and 'to keep cool' (hati sejok)
  hati taŋanhollow of palm of hand
Moken katayliver
Karo Batak ateliver; figuratively, the seat of emotions, will, and desire
  ate-ateout of one's own volition, impulse, or fancy
Toba Batak ate-ateliver. In Batak psychology this is the seat of perception and emotion; for this reason ateate is often synonymous with roha (in Germanic languages: heart)
  par-ate-ateirascible, irritable
Simalungun Batak atei-ateiliver
Nias ateliver
Mentawai atäiliver
Sundanese hateheart, mind, inner self; intelligence, understanding
  buah hatefruit of my heart = lover
  lɨtik hateafraid, alarmed ( = 'small heart')
Old Javanese (h)atia part of the body: liver?; heart as seat of feelings; be inclined, feel like, want
  tan pa-hatilose one's spirit (heart); be distracted, disconsolate
  aŋ-atipay attention to, bear in mind
  ati-atigive one's full (undivided) attention
Javanese atiheart, mind; core, pith; soft inner pith of a stalk; hard core, e.g. of a pineapple (Horne 1974); pith of bamboo (Pigeaud 1938); fleshy part of the hand/foot at the base of the fingers/toes
Madurese ateliver
  keneʔ atediscouraged ( = 'small liver')
  panas ateangry ( = 'hot liver')
Balinese atiliver; mind, soul, heart, desire, will
  ati-atidesire passionately
Sasak ateliver; in many metaphorical expressions the equivalent of 'heart' in Germanic languages; inside, the heart of palms, etc.
  ate-atepith of bamboo
Sumbawanese ateliver
Proto-Sangiric *atayliver
Sangir ateliver
Proto-Minahasan *ateliver
Tondano ateliver
Tontemboan ateliver; heart, mind, mental condition
  ate-nathe inner part of some things (e.g. ate-na im bale 'the inner part of a house', ate-na im cayu 'the pith of wood')
  ate peralung
  maka-ateunderstand, suppose, take to heart
  ma-ateperceive, become aware of, feel
  ka-ate-antaken to heart
Tialo ateliver
  ate buraheart
Dondo ateliver
  ate bulalungs
Dampelas wate buntalungs
Uma ateliver
Banggai ateliver
Tae' ateliver, in death-songs
  ke-ate-ateliver-like, resembling a liver
Mandar ateliver; truly
Buginese ateliver
Makasarese ateliver, the inner self, seat of the emotions
  ate riŋaŋ(lit. 'light liver') lung
Wolio ateliver, heart, seat of the emotions, mind
Muna ghateliver
Palauan ʔadliver
CMP
Bimanese adeliver, inner part; inside; want, wish, desire
  ade eɗisole of the foot/leg
  ade rimapalm of the hand
Komodo ateliver
  beti ateangry ( = 'sick liver')
Manggarai atiliver
Rembong atiliver
  ati-rak(lit. 'liver-lungs') brain, mind, thoughts
Ngadha ateliver; sense, mind, opinion, understanding, desire, emotion, feeling, will, intention, affection; obligation; prosperity; conviction
  ate fasatisfied, satisfaction ( = 'cool liver')
  ate apimiddle of the hearth
Li'o ateliver
Lamboya ateliver
Lamaholot ate-nliver
Erai ate-(n)liver
Kambera etiliver, inner self, seat of the emotions, heart
  màrahu etisad, sorrowful ( = 'small liver')
  tau daŋu etiman with much heart: wise man, man with much insight
  eti-ŋuhave concern for, intend to
Hawu adeliver
  hedui deni-adegrief, sorrow ( = 'sorrow on the liver')
Rotinese ate-kliver, or figuratively heart of man or animal
  kapa-a ate-ba-nheart and lungs of a carabao together
Tetun ate-nliver
Kédang ate-nliver
Leti atiheart in the literal sense
  ina atifish heart; also in a figurative sense
Kisar akiliver
Wetan atiheart, liver, milt, spleen, lungs
  ati wori(lit. 'liver two') lungs, heart and liver, milt and lungs, etc.
Yamdena ateliver
Fordata yata-nliver
Ujir ataliver
Dobel sataliver
Kei yata-nliver
Masiwang yata-nliver
Bobot yata-nliver
Geser atliver
Asilulu ata-spleen
Kayeli atlungs
Soboyo ateliver
SHWNG
Kowiai lataliver
Buli yatayliver
Kurudu ateliver
OC
Aua aʔe-heart
Seimat ate-liver
Bipi ate-heart
Lindrou ade-heart
Sori are-heart
Likum ate-heart
Loniu etIheart
Lou karI-liver
Penchal kare-heart
Nauna kate-liver
Tigak yatliver
Tanga eteliver or solar plexus, the seat of the emotions
Mendak katliver
Tolai katliver
Lakalai hate-liver or solar plexus (seat of emotion); internal organs in general; sometimes spleen
  la hate-la mamasihe is angry ( = 'his liver is burning')
  la hate-la ragahe is startled ( = 'his liver leaps')
  la hate kuruliver
  la hate malailai, la hate makilakilalungs
Mbula kete-liver; chest; place of feelings, conscience (used in many expressions describing emotional states)
Kairiru ate-heart
Gedaged ate-nheart (as will), the center of one's being; loyalty; surface, plane, area, breast, compound, floor
  nie-n ate-nthe sole of his foot
  nima-n ate-nthe palm of his hand
Gitua ateliver; chest
  ate-ŋgu yayapI am angry, frustrated ( = 'my liver is in pain')
  ate-ŋgu mutuI am surprised ( = 'my liver is broken')
Numbami ate-liver
Gapapaiwa kate-kateliver
Motu aseliver
Dobuan ʔate-naliver
Molima ʔate-da-yainside ourselves
  ʔate-ʔateliver
Tubetube ateliver; center of life, emotions, etc.
Misima ateliver
Kilivila kate-lung
Mono-Alu atechest, breast; liver
Bugotu ate-ñaliver
Nggela ateliver
  ate-galiverish
Lau saethe core of a thing; carcass skinned, feathers removed; meat of an egg; peeled yam or orange; kernel of nut; think, suppose
  sae-fouliver
Kwaio lae-fouliver
  lae-fula, lae-fulolungs and heart (conceived of as a single unit)
  lae-gu ka liaI was angry
Sa'a saeheart, mind, liver, lungs, chest
  sae hutohutolungs ( = 'frothing liver')
  sae-asiforgive
  sae esoesofeel indignation; know, know how to, to name, give a name to (used in many expressions relating to mental or emotional states)
'Āre'āre rae-nastomach, heart, liver, lungs, womb, mind, seat of affections, intention, will
  rae-kuI want, like
  rae nisu-na, rae ʔohuʔohu-nalung
  rae hitari-aunderstand
  rae-na e taʔabe angry ( = 'his liver is wrong/bad/evil')
Arosi saea man, homo; mind, heart, thought; only in phrases
  sae-naliver of a pig
Bauro saeheart
Marshallese ajliver; spleen; seat of bravery
Kosraean acsliver; gallbladder; blood clot, clotted blood
Pohnpeian ehliver
Mokilese oajliver
Woleaian yasliver
  yase-shyour liver
Sonsorol-Tobi yade-lungs
Raga ate-liver
Makatea ateliver
Rotuman äfeliver
Fijian yate-nathe liver, considered as the seat of cowardice and courage, hence yate levu 'coward' ( = 'big liver'), yate dei, yate lialia 'courageous' ( = 'firm, unwavering/mad, foolish liver')
Tongan ʔateliver
Niue ateliver
  ate-fualiver
  ate-loa, ate-pilispleen
  ate-palalungs
  ate-viliheart
Samoan ateliver
Tuvaluan ateliver
Rennellese ʔateliver
Anuta ateliver
Kapingamarangi adeliver
Rarotongan ateliver of man or animals or birds
  ate mamalungs
Maori ateliver; the seat of the affections; heart; emotion; spirit, high feeling
  ate-atebosom
Hawaiian akeliver; to desire, yearn (the emotions and intelligence were thought to be centered within the body)
  ake māmālungs

4126

PMP     *qatay-an (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Tontemboan ate-anconscience
Banggai ate-andeep
OC
Mussau atealiver

4127

PMP     *buaq ni qatay heart (figurative); term of endearment

WMP
Jarai boh hetayheart (anatomical)
Malay buah hatiheart, in contrast to aorta -- both literally and as a term of endearment
Sundanese buah hatefruit of the heart ( = 'apple of the eye; sweetheart')
CMP
Kei wua-n yata-nheart

4128

PMP     *qalap qatay (lit. 'fetch the liver') capture someone's fancy

WMP
[Malay ambil hati(lit. 'fetch the liver') loveable]
[Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-ambil hati(lit. 'fetch the liver') win someone's affection]
Sundanese ŋala hate(lit. 'fetch the liver') win someone's affection
Madurese ŋalaʔ ate(lit. 'fetch the liver') win someone's affection
CMP
Ngadha ala go ate(lit. 'fetch the liver') win someone's affection

4129

POC     *qate qate calf of the leg

OC
Marshallese ajajcalf of leg
Tongan ʔate ʔi vaʔecalf (of the leg)
Samoan ate-vaecalf (of leg)
Rennellese ʔate baʔecalf of leg, esp. back side of the calf
Maori ate-atecalf of the leg

4130

PWMP     *qulu ni qatay pit of the stomach

WMP
Cebuano báʔbaʔ sa atáy(lit. 'mouth in the liver') pit of the stomach
Malay hulu hati(lit. 'head of the liver') pit of the stomach
Sundanese hulu hatepit of the stomach
Makasarese ulu ateabdominal region

4131

PMP     *X₁ + qatay (lit. 'big liver') brave, courageous; proud, arrogant

WMP
Iban ati besai(lit. 'big liver') boastful, talking big
Malay besar hati(lit. 'big liver') presumption
Madurese raja ate(lit. 'big liver') presumption
Sundanese gedé hate(lit. 'big liver') intrepid; dare to do something
  gede tɨiŋ hatereckless, presumptuous
Palauan ŋ klou a ʔedeŋal el ʔad(lit. 'the man has a big liver') He's a brave man
CMP
Ngadha ate méze(lit. 'big liver') proud, haughty, arrogant
Kambera bokulu eti(lit. 'big liver') pleased, satisfied; proud, arrogant, haughty
Tetun ema ate-n boot(lit. 'person with big liver') a brave person
Kei yata-n lāi(lit. 'big liver') proud, haughty, arrogant
OC
Rarotongan ate-nui(lit. 'big liver') term used to denote a brave, stout-heared and courageous person: also used when referring to or speaking of a person who is arrogant, cheeky or impudent

4132

PMP     *X₂ + qatay (lit. 'burning liver') angry, furious

WMP
Malay bakar hati(lit. 'burning liver') angry emotion
Toba Batak m-ohop ate-ate(lit. 'burning liver') become angry
OC
Lakalai la hate-la mamasi(lit. 'his liver is burning') he is angry

4133

PMP     *X₃ + qatay (lit. 'rotten liver') full of malice

WMP
Malay busok hati(lit. 'rotten liver') ill-nature; malice; dirty feelings
CMP
Ngadha ate zéé(lit. 'rotten liver') take everything the wrong way, quickly offended

4134

PMP     *X₄ + qatay (lit. 'sick/hurt liver') resentful, offended

WMP
Malay sakit hati(lit. 'sick/painful liver') resentment; annoyance; anger; ill-will
Sundanese ñeri hate(lit. 'painful liver') grief, sorrow, heartache
Madurese sakeʔ ate(lit. 'sick/painful liver') resentment; annoyance; anger; ill-will
CMP
Komodo beti ate(lit. 'sick/painful liver') angry
Kambera hídu eti(lit. 'sick/painful liver') heartsick, offended, hurt; disgruntled
OC
Gitua ate-ŋgu yayap(lit. 'my liver is hurt/in pain') I am angry, frustrated

4135

PMP     *X₅ + qatay (lit. 'small liver') afraid

WMP
Malay kechil hati(lit. 'small liver') feel sore; bear a grudge
Sundanese lɨtik hate(lit. 'small liver') afraid, alarmed
Madurese keneʔ ate(lit. 'small liver') feel sore; bear a grudge
CMP
Ngadha ate kedhi(lit. 'small liver') careworn, worried; faint-hearted; envious, jealous
Kambera màrahu eti(lit. 'small liver') afraid; sad, sorrowful

4136

PMP     *X₆ + qatay (lit. 'white liver') pure-hearted

WMP
Mansaka mapotiʔ na ataykind heart; tender heart (lit. 'white liver')
Malay puteh hatisincerity
Madurese pote ate(lit. 'white liver') upright, honest
OC
Motu ase kuro tau-na(lit. 'man with a white liver') a brave man, one not afraid

Note:   Also Isneg agtáy ‘liver’, Casiguran Dumagat agtë ‘liver’, Ifugaw alte ‘liver’, Bontok agtéy ‘liver’, Pangasinan altéy ‘liver’, Sambal (Botolan) ágtay ‘liver’, Bikol katóy ‘liver’, Iban atau ‘liver, heart’, Makasarese ati ‘inner self, courage, heart’; ati-ati ‘heart-shaped; do one's best’, Numfor kè-n ‘liver’, Banoni date ‘liver’, Gilbertese ato ‘liver; clot of blood, clotted blood’. For reasons that remain unclear, most members of the Cordilleran and Central Luzon subgroups of Philippine languages (Blust 1991) reflect *qaRtay; although *-R- in these reflexes appears to be infixed, it has no identifiable meaning. Similar phonological problems are found with some other forms (e.g. PPh *qaRta; reflexes of *qata ‘outsiders, alien people’), but in most cases a doublet can be reconstructed.

A number of other interesting problems are connected with this form, including the following:

1)Dempwolff reconstructed *qatay ‘liver’, but it is clear that this term had a cultural importance greatly transcending simple reference to the physical organ. Many attested glosses refer to the liver as the inner self, the seat of the emotions, will, and desire and mind, in short as the cultural equivalent of the metaphorical ‘heart’ in Indo-European languages. The absence of competing reconstructions for such essential verbal notions as ‘to think’, ‘to feel’, and ‘to desire’ is also consistent with a hypothesis that *qaCay whether alone, affixed, or in combination with other free morphemes, represented these meanings;

2) nominal compounds or descriptive phrases which make use of the morpheme for ‘liver’ as the metaphorical ‘heart’ sometimes show a similar semantic structure cross-linguistically (‘big liver’, ‘burning liver’, ‘white liver’, etc.); examples of such usages are cited here if a fairly clear-cut meaning can be reconstructed, even when the complete phonological form is unattainable directly. Undoubtedly, many more expressions relating to the emotions will be reconstructed with *qaCay when more complete descriptive sources become available. No such morphologically complex expressions have been recorded for any Formosan language, but this may simply reflect the rudimentary stage of lexicography in the Formosan field. On the other hand, although the Philippines is lexicographically well-represented, very few compounds with a reflex of *qaCay have been recorded, and, surprisingly, none of these relate to the emotions;

3) PMP *qatay-an is only weakly attested in the data, but is proposed to unite several disparate observations under a single explanation. Next to the meaning ‘liver’ many glosses include the meanings ‘inside, inner part’ and this semantic component of PMP *qatay no doubt lies behind the diachronic change of *dalem ‘in, inside’ to e.g. Ilokano dálem Elat raro Watubela lamno, Alune lale ‘liver’ and Buruese lale-n ‘liver; inside, heart, mind’; lale-t ‘heart, attitude, will’. Similarly, expressions such as Malay dalam hati ‘in one's heart; to oneself, secretly or silently’ (borrowed as Tagalog dalam-hatíʔ ‘extreme sorrow’) appear to be restructurings of *qatay-an with replacement of the suffixed ‘locative focus’ marker by a locative preposition. The expected Mussau form is **ateana, but this form apparently was reanalyzed as /atea/ plus the 3sg. possessive pronoun -/na/, giving rise to a new free form: /atea-gi/ ‘my liver’, /atea-m/ ‘your (sg.) liver’, /atea-na/ ‘his/her/its liver’;

4) even in its purely physical sense there is more to be said about *qaCay than simple reference to the liver. The glosses cited here for Malay, Rembong, Rotinese, Wetan and Kwaio all suggest that the liver was conceived as part of a larger anatomical unit. In all glosses except that of Rembong this larger anatomical unit includes the heart, while in all glosses except that of Malay it includes the lungs. In field elicitation ‘liver’ and ‘heart’ are often confused by Austronesian-speaking informants, probably because in common sacrificial animals such as chickens they are in closer physical proximity to one another than is the case in the human body.

The association of liver and lungs is more subtle. Fox, J. (1974) notes that in Rotinese formal dyadic language (also known as ritual parallelism) many lexical items are paired with at least one ‘linking term’ to form a convention association for purposes of achieving rhetorical effect. Among the entries in his dictionary for which a linking term is given Fox lists ate ‘liver’. The link is ba ‘lungs’, and for the latter also a single linking term is given: ate ‘lungs’. Strikingly, a kind of converse association appears in Simalur of the Barrier Islands west of Sumatra, where PAn *baRaq ‘lungs’ is reflected as bala ‘lung, also: liver’ (Kähler 1961). Whether these agreements indicate that a dyadic link connected *qatay and *baRaq in some type of formal ritual language in PMP, or simply that the liver and lungs were conceived as part of a single larger anatomical unit is unclear, although the apparent absence of comparative evidence for other dyadic sets favors the latter interpretation. Perhaps to be connected with this interpretation are the occasional reflexes of *qaCay meaning ‘intestines’: Sangir tatuno ate ‘intestines, used in maledictory expressions’, Proto-Ambon *(h)ata(y), Lakalai la hate viriviri ‘intestines’.

27556

*qaCeb deadfall trap to catch small mammals

4137

PAN     *qaCeb deadfall trap to catch small mammals

Formosan
Saisiyat ʔaesəbdeadfall trap to catch rats (Tsuchida 1976:167)
Saaroa ʔacəvədeadfall trap to catch rats
Tsou cəfədeadfall trap to catch rats
Kavalan itebdeadfall trap
  m-itebto fall into a trap
Bunun hatubdeadfall trap to catch rats (Tsuchida 1976:167)
WMP
Bontok ʔátəbtrip-release trap for small aminals
Kankanaey átebrat trap; mouse trap (consisting of a log, lifted on one side and attached so as to come down and crush the animal when it gnaws the bait)
Ifugaw átobdeadfall to crush rats or to capture and possibly kill boars
Bikol atobtrap to catch rats or wild pigs (Tsuchida 1976:167)
Cebuano átubstone prison cell; pile of stones put somewhere to attract fish and crabs and get them where they can readily be found; pit with flimsy top for trapping animals; to trap in a pitfall (e.g. wild pig)
Mansaka atubtrap for wild pigs
Kelabit atebdeadfall trap for small animals such as rats and squirrels

Note:   Also Sangir atebeʔ ‘bamboo trap for crabs’.

27559

*qaCi ebb, of water in streams

4141

PAN     *qaCi ebb, of water in streams

Formosan
Kanakanabu ʔ-um-á-ʔacidam up a side stream to catch fish

4142

PMP     *qati ebb, of water in streams; low tide     [doublet: *qeti]

WMP
Ilokano atídry, evaporated, dried out, waterless. Exhausted in its supply of liquid
Wolio atiland, sandbank, shoal, shallow water; ebb, low tide

4143

PWMP     *ka-qati low tide

WMP
Pangasinan kátilow tide; go out, of the tide
Tagalog kátilow tide, low ebb; land not covered by sea
Wolio ka-atishallowness, low tide

4144

PAN     *ma-qaCi ebb, of water in streams; low tide     [doublet: *qeti₁]

Formosan
Bunun ma-hciʔdam up a side stream to catch fish (Tsuchida 1976)

4145

PMP     *ma-qati ebb, of water in streams; low tide     [doublet: *qeti₁]

WMP
Wolio ma-atishallow
Chamorro maʔtelow tide
  maʔte i tasithe sea is at low tide
OC
Wuvulu maʔilow tide
Seimat mattide
Bipi makreef
Lindrou mekreef; low tide
Loniu matlow tide
Lou metreef; dry reef
Mussau matilow tide; dry reef
  poŋa-maticoral reef
Tigak matreef
Vitu ma-hatireef
Lakalai mahatibe out, of the tide; low tide; dry season
Mbula magatlow tide; dry reef
Manam matireef
  mati ibaraebb, ebb-tide; low-water (the reef is dry)
Eddystone/Mandegusu matilow tide
Nggae maɣatireef
Lau maiebb tide; reef; dry reef; to ebb
Kwaio mailow tide
Sa'a mäiebb tide, low tide
Ulawa mäilow spring tides in August
'Āre'āre mailow-tide, ebb-tide
Arosi mailow tide; ebb
Anejom maslow tide
Rotuman mafilow-tide water as containing fish; tide in general
Fijian matito ebb, of the tide, as opposed to the flow; part of the reef exposed at low tide

Note:   Also Kapampangan kati(h) ‘low water-level’, Mansaka atiʔ ‘dry up (of water); evaporate’; Lou ramet ‘reef; dry reef’, Mota meat ‘ebb, low tide’.

27558

*qaCi- prefix variant of the *qali/kali- set

4140

PAN     *qaCi- prefix variant of the *qali/kali- set

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hati-muRmuRgargle
WMP
Bontok ʔati-buŋálənrainbow
Kankanaey atim-bayuŋanbumblebee
  ati-ŋayáwanlarge dark brown ant
Bikol atibáŋawhorsefly, botfly; a large blue fly known for its annoying buzzing
Aklanon atipúyoŋfeel faint, be dizzy

Note:   For an explanation of the analysis and function of this affix, which is almost invariably fossilized in the words in which it appears, cf. Blust (2001).

27557

*qaCipa turtle sp.

4138

PAN     *qaCipa turtle sp.

Formosan
Thao qcipasoft-shelled turtle: Amyda sinensis
Atayal qesipasoft-shelled turtle: Trionix sinensis sinensis (Tsuchida 1976:266)

4139

PWMP     *qantipa turtle sp.

WMP
Kapampangan antipaanimals like turtles, with larger shells, and stronger
Pangasinan ansipatype of river turtle (Tsuchida1976:291)
Simalungun Batak antipasea turtle

Note:   Also Saisiyat kaesipaʔ ‘turtle’, Pazeh sipaʔ ‘turtle shell’, Tsou acipa, Bunun qasipa ‘turtle’. Although the comparison of Kapampangan antipa is straightforward, the inclusion of most phonetically similar Formosan forms in this set is problematic. PAn *C normally became Bunun /t/, and is reflected as /s/ only exceptionally (e.g. *CebuS > sibus ‘sugarcane’). Both Saisiyat /s/ and Pazeh /s/ can reflect *C, but Saisiyat kaesipaʔ shows an unexpected initial consonant, and Pazeh sipaʔ shows unexplained loss of the first syllable. Moreover, as noted by Tsuchida (1976:291) the expected Tsou reflex is **cipo.

It thus appears likely that most of the Formosan forms have been borrowed, presumably from some other Formosan source which either no longer exists, or which is yet to be identified. Both this observation and the glosses in languages such as Pazeh and Kapampangan make it more likely that PAn *qaCipa and PMP *qantipa referred to the ocean-dwelling hawksbill turtle, which is prized for its widely-traded shell, than to the economically unimportant land tortoise. If so, *qaCipa was replaced by *keRa/keRa(nŋ) in PCEMP.

30177

*qadep front, facing part

6975

PMP     *qadep front, facing part

WMP
Iban adapaspect, position; to face, seek an interview, go before, appear before, present oneself; on the side of, towards
Malay hadapposition facing in two senses: (i) being in front, (ii) presenting oneself before, or waiting on, as a courtier attending his sultan’s receptions
  nasi hadap-hadap-ana ceremonial dish of rice set before a bridal pair when they “sit in state”
Sundanese di hareupbe in front of something or someone
  hareup-eunbe in front of
Old Javanese harepthe front, fore part; to stand before, to wish, desire, be on the point of (about to)
  i harep-ñain front of, in the presence of
  h<um>arepgo forward; stand or move in the direction of; turn towards, face
Balinese harepbe in front, put in front; prefer; to face
  harep-anbefore, in front of; before, in the presence of
Mandar areʔbelly

6976

POC     *qalo₃ front side; belly (of an animal?)

OC
Likum alo-stomach, belly, abdomen
Sa'a saroto face, to turn oneself; breast
Arosi sarospot over the heart on the breast
Tongan ʔalo(of a fish) lower part, belly; also regal for kete, abdomen, stomach
Niue alo-alothe undersurface of anything
  alo-alo huisole of the foot
  alo-alo limapalm of the hand
  faka-alocover the ceiling of a house; put the finishing layer on something; put the lining in a garment
Rennellese ʔalofront; coastline; front of the human chest; interior; to face towards or come to
Anuta alo-alobelly inside
Samoan alosmooth, soft side of a thing (the ‘front’ as opposed to tua the ‘back’ or rougher side); stomach, belly
Tuvaluan alobelly of mammal, ventral area of fish; front of a person, palm of hand, sole of foot
Nukuoro alo-alochest, front (opposite of back); lagoon shore as opposed to seaward reef shore
Rarotongan arothat which faces toward the front: the front of the body; the main visible sides when turned to view; the foremost part, such as the bow of a canoe
  aro-arothe front of anything; the right side of an article, such as cloth
Maori arofront; to face, turn towards, have a certain direction
  aro-ŋadirection
  aro-aroface, front
Hawaiian alofront, face, presence, upper surface, as of a bowl

27561

*qadi that, there

4147

PWMP     *qadi that, there

WMP
Balangao y-adithat (demonstrative)
Toba Batak adithat (demonstrative)
Kayan aré-hthat; over there
Malagasy arythere, yonder

Note:   Given the similar deictic *idi ‘that, there’ (Blust 1980) and the morphological parallel *qani, *ini ‘this, here’, it appears very likely that at some stage in the history of the Austronesian languages this form was analyzable into a generic marker of location *qa and a locative specifier *di.

27560

*qadipen slave

4146

PPh     *qadipen slave     [doublet: *qudipen]

WMP
Atta ajjipan, aripanslave
Gaddang aripanslave
Ata odipanslave

27562

*qajaw day

4148

PAN     *qajaw day     [doublet: *qalejaw]

Formosan
Paiwan qadawsun; day; clock, watch
  pa-qadawput in the sun (to dry); use a burning-glass
WMP
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) andewof the weather, to be sunny; day; sun
Bonggi oduday
Kadazan tadausun, day, weather
Bisaya (Limbang) adawday
Ngaju Dayak andauday (in two senses: period of daylight, and the 24-hour day)
Ma'anyan andrawday
Malagasy androday; daytime; a period
Maloh asoday
Bare'e eosun, day, daylight
  mata eothe disc of the sun, used when eo by itself is not clear enough

4149

POC     *qaco day     [doublet: *qalo₁]

OC
Lakalai harosun; day; goodday!
Lusi arosun; day; midday
Motu ado-atamidday
Cheke Holo ahobe clear and sunny, good weather
Bugotu ahosun
  va-ahodry in the sun
Nggela ahosun; good weather; put in the sun; experience good weather
Lau satosun
Sa'a satosun, sunshine, fine weather, no rain
'Āre'āre ratosun, sunshine, no rain, good weather
Northeast Ambae asosun
Tongan ʔahoday; birthday
Niue ahoday, daylight, morning
  ahoŋ-iabe overtaken by daylight
Samoan asoday, date
Tuvaluan ahoday (24 hour period)
Rennellese ʔasotime, day, season
Anuta aodaytime (as opposed to night), day (as in day of the week)
Nukuoro aodaylight
Rarotongan aothe earth world, the earth region
Maori aodaytime, as opposed to night; world; cloud; dawn; bright
Hawaiian aolight, day, daylight, dawn; to dawn, grow light; enlightened; regain consciousness; cloud; world, earth

4150

PAN     *ma-qajaw sunny, hot

Formosan
Paiwan ma-qadawthe sun appears; be burned by sun
WMP
Bisaya (Limbang) m-adawdaytime
[Kelabit m-edʰomidday]
[Tontemboan ma-endobecome day]
Bare'e ma-eosunny, hot

4151

PAN     *q<um>ajaw to shine, of the sun

Formosan
Paiwan q-m-adawthe sun shines
WMP
[Ifugaw um-algóto shine, of the sun]

Note:   Also Puyuma (Tamalakaw) kadaw ‘sun’, kuR-ka-a-kadaw ‘sun oneself’, Molima ʔasu ‘sun’.

27563

*qajeŋ charcoal

4152

PMP     *qajeŋ charcoal

WMP
Kelabit adeŋcharcoal used in blacksmithing
Malagasy árinacharcoal, soot
Jarai hedaŋcharcoal
Rhade hdaŋcharcoal
Moken kayaŋcharcoal
Karo Batak ageŋcharcoal
Dairi-Pakpak Batak ageŋcharcoal
Toba Batak agoŋcharcoal
Simalur axeŋcharcoal
Nias axocharcoal
Lampung haxoŋblack
Old Javanese (h)areŋcharcoal
Javanese areŋcharcoal, carbon
Balinese adeŋcharcoal, carbon; ashes of a cremated body
Sasak adeŋcharcoal
Bare'e ayotree which yields wood that is used for charcoal; the coals made of this wood and used in blacksmithing
CMP
Manggarai aseŋcharcoal
Kambera aruŋucharcoal
Leti arnacharcoal
Soboyo ayoŋcharcoal

4153

PMP     *qajeŋ i batu coal, anthracite

WMP
[Malay araŋ batucoal]
Javanese areŋ watucoal
CMP
Moa aran watg-ecoal, pit-coal

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak aliŋ ‘remains of a cremated corpse’, Iban araŋ ‘charcoal’, Malay araŋ ‘calcined matter; charcoal; soot; coal’, Madurese areŋ ‘charcoal’, Sasak areŋ-areŋ ‘charcoal’, Manggarai haseŋ, Ngadha aro ‘charcoal, powder’, Rotinese kadek ‘soot, sooty’, Lamaholot arén ‘charcoal’, Paulohi arane ‘charcoal’.

Dempwolff (1934-38) included Tagalog aliŋ-asaw (with arbitary morpheme boundary) ‘effusion or emanation of an offensive odor’. However, to date no sure reflex of *qajeŋ has been found in any Philippine language. This item referred to cold charcoal in contrast to *baRa ‘ember’, and in at least two widely separated WMP languages (Kelabit and Bare'e) designated the coals used in blacksmithing.

27564

*qalad fence, wall

4154

PAN     *qalad fence, wall

Formosan
Kavalan irarfence
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Harazfence
Favorlang ararfence, garden (Marsh 1977)
  p-ararto fence round
WMP
Isneg axadfence (made of stones, wood, etc.)
Bontok ʔáladfence, wall
Pangasinan alárfence; to fence
Hanunóo ʔaládfence
Palawan Batak ʔáladfence
Cebuano áladwooden fence, enclosure; pig sty; enclose in a fence
Binukid aladfence; enclosure (for animals); put a fence around an area, enclose an area with a fence, fence something in
Mansaka aradfence
Maranao aladfence
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) alada fence; to fence an area
Kelabit aladwall, partition, barrier
Proto-Minahasan *aladenclosure for animals
Tontemboan alarenclosure for animals, stable, pen; originally a three-sided enclosure; also a cage trap with falling door used to catch monkeys
Muna ghalafence

4155

POC     *qalar fence, wall

OC
Lusi alafence
Numbami alafence (e.g. garden fence)

Note:   This word is fairly well attested in the Philippines and is found in a handful of languages in Taiwan, western Indonesia and western Melanesia , but appears to be absent from other areas (Kwaio lala ‘build a fence around a tree or plant’, 'Āre'āre rara ‘fence, enclosure’ may be connected, but this is far from clear). PMP *qalad may have referred to fences or walls used to enclose domesticated animals, in contrast with PMP *pager ‘palisade around a village; fence around a planted tree or cultivated field’. This cognate set disambiguates the initial of *(q)ala[dDj] (Blust 1970), and raises the level of assignment of the reconstruction to PAn.

30876

*qalaŋ obstruct, lie across or athwart

8701

PWMP     *qalaŋ obstruct, lie across or athwart

WMP
Maranao alaŋblock the way, obstruct
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) alaŋto block; to hinder; to be in between
Tiruray ʔalaŋto block the way of someone or something
  ʔalaŋ-alaŋreluctant to do something for fear of an unfavorable outcome
Bintulu alaŋcross-beam in a house
Iban alaŋbeam
Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-halaŋto block, obstruct, lie athwart
  ter-halaŋimpeded (to that it cannot go forward or be carried out)
  halaŋ-anthe cause or reason that a plan cannot be executed
Old Javanese (h)alaŋa weapon (“blocking-weapon”?)
  alaŋ-alaŋ“to be in the way”, obstructing
  aŋ-halaŋ-ito obstruct, hinder
  ka-halaŋ-anobstructed
  kapalaŋ-alaŋimpeded, defective, disturbed, troubled
  p-alaŋcross-beam
  um-alaŋto lie athwart, across
  h<um>alaŋ-alaŋ“to keep being in the way”, keep troubling
Javanese alaŋcrosswise dimension
  ŋ-alaŋto impede, obstruct
Balinese halaŋto thwart, prevent, hinder
  halaŋ-anobstacle, hindrance; across, athwart
  halaŋ-inbe prevented
  p-alaŋcross-beam
Sasak alaŋ-anobstacle, hindrance

27565

*qaleb knee

4156

PAN     *qaleb knee     [doublet: *eleb]

Formosan
Thao qaːlufknee
WMP
Manobo (Dibabawon) aībknee
Kelabit alebknee
Ma'anyan uluʔalepknee

Note:   Also Dohoi karop, Murung kalop. PAn *tuSud, PMP *tuhud almost certainly meant ‘knee’, the latter probably in conjunction with *qulu ‘head’ (= *qulu thud ‘head of knee’). The meaning of *qaleb thus remains problematic.

27566

*qalejaw day

4157

PMP     *qalejaw day     [doublet: *qajaw]

WMP
Itbayaten arawsun
Isneg alxáwday
Itawis álgawday
Casiguran Dumagat aldewday, daytime
Bontok ʔalgə́wsun
Kankanaey ágewsun, day, daytime, daylight, light, sweat, perspiration
Ifugaw algósun; day
Ifugaw (Batad) algawdo something all day long; to sun something or someone
Ilokano aldáwday
Kapampangan aldosun; day
Chamorro atdawsun
Tagalog árawsun; day
Bikol aldáwday
Hanunóo ʔáldawtomorrow
Palawan Batak ʔaldáwsun; day (opposite of night, rather than time measure)
Aklanon ádlawday; sun
Cebuano adláwsun; day; day (as opposed to night)
Tboli kedawsun; day
Timugon Murut odowday
Ida'an Begak ndtawday
Kelabit edʰoday
Sa'ban siewday
Kenyah (Long Anap) tawday
Berawan (Long Terawan) iciwday
Tring coday
Narum diewday
Bintulu ɗawday
Kayan (Uma Juman) doday, daylight
Lahanan dawday
Proto-Sangiric *əlawday; sun
Sangir elloday
Tontemboan endosun; day
Banggai oloyoday
Tae' allosun; day; daylight
Buginese essoday
Makasarese alloday; sun (in some expressions)
Muna gholeoday
Palauan ʔeóssun
Chamorro atdawsun
CMP
Bimanese lirosun
Manggarai lesosun; heat of the sun; day, daylight; time
Ngadha lezasun; day; daylight; daytime; hour; period of time; heat of the sun, dry season
Li'o lejaday
Sika lerosun
Lamboya ladoday
Lamaholot lero-nday
Kédang loyosun; day; noon
Kambera loduday
  mbana lodusolar heat, the heat of the day
Hawu loɗosun; day
Rotinese ledosun
Atoni nɛnɔday
Tetun lorosun
  loro-nday, the time between sunrise and sunset
Erai leosun, day; time, lifetime
Leti lerasun; day
Kisar lereday
Yamdena leresun; day
Fordata lerasun; dry season following the east monsoon in the months of August and September
Dobel larusun
Kei lera-nday, mealtime; once, on a certain day
Watubela kolosun
Sekar re-reraday

4158

PWMP     *maŋ-qalejaw (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Bontok maŋ-<al>gəwbe sunny; place in the sun
Kankanaey maŋ-ágewthe sun shines
Malagasy man-àndropractice judicial astrology; calculate or foretell lucky days
Makasarese aŋŋ-allosuffer from a warm feeling in the body

4159

PPh     *ka-qalejaw-an (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Kankanaey ka-agáw-annoon, noontide, noonday, midday, daytime
Cebuano ka-adlaw-anbirthday, day of patron saint

4160

PWMP     *paŋ-qalejaw-an (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Itbayaten paŋ-araw-anby the day
Tae' paŋ-lu-antime of the solstice, when one cooks the pig fodder

4161

PPh     *qalejaw-an place in the sun

WMP
Itbayaten araw-anput under the sun, expose under the sunshine or sunlight; by the day, per day, in daytime
Bontok ʔalgáw-anplace in the sun
Pangasinan ágewday; sun; be light, sunny
Kapampangan aldosun, day
Bikol aldaw-ándaily
Cebuano adlaw-ánfor it to be daylight

4162

PMP     *qalejaw-qalejaw daily, every day

WMP
Pangasinan ágew-ágewdaily, every day
Kapampangan aldo-aldódaily
Aklanon ádlaw-ádlawdaily, every day
Cebuano adláw-adláwevery day
[Kadazan tadau tadauevery day, daily, day by day]
Sangir apaŋ ello-elloevery day, daily
Tontemboan m-endo-ndodaily
Tae' allo-allodaily, every day
Makasarese allo-allodaily
CMP
Ngadha gé leza lezaevery day
Tetun loro-loro-ndaily, every day
Erai leo leodaily
OC
Lakalai la haro-aro tomievery day

Note:   Also Kiput araw ‘day’, Melanau (Mukah) law ‘day’, Komodo ro ‘sun; day’, Watubela kolo ‘sun’, Rotuman asa ‘sun’.

27567

*qalep beckon, wave

4163

PAN     *qalep beckon, wave

Formosan
Pazeh m-arepbeckon
WMP
Chamorro alofbeckon, signal, summon by signs, call by signs, wave
CMP
Buruese ale-hto beckon
OC
Manam alo-ito beckon
Nggela alo, alov-ito beckon
Arosi saro, hai-saroh-ito beckon
Gilbertese ano-abeckon with the hand or arm
Araki alov-ibeckon, wave to someone
Fijian yalo, yalov-ato beckon
Tongan ta-ʔalowave or beckon with the hand
Samoan t-ālowave, beckon

27568

*qalesem sourness, acidity

4164

PWMP     *qalesem sourness, acidity     [doublet: *qaRsem]

WMP
Ibanag n-assemsour
Isneg alsámsourness, tartness, acidity
  n-alsámsour, tart, acid
Itawis álsamsourness
  n-álsamsour
Gaddang na-ʔaltɨmsour
Casiguran Dumagat lasém <Msour
Ilokano na-alsémsour, tart, acid
  apag-alsémacerb, sourish; half-ripe
Kapampangan aslámvinegar
  aslám-anadd vinegar to something
  pan-aslámuse something to sour
Tagalog ásimsourness, acidity
Hanunóo ʔaslúm <Msourness, acidity
Aklanon áslom <Mmake sour
  pa-áslomcause to become sour, let get sour
Hiligaynon áslum <Msourness
Cebuano aslúmsour; cross, sour in facial expression; be, become sour
Maranao asemsour
  lasem <Msourness of taste, acidic in taste
Samal lessomsour
Kelabit laamsour
Bintulu semkind of sour fruit obtained from a thorny palm tree
Kayan semsour
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) asumacid fruit, sour fruit
Murik ahəmsour
Ngaju Dayak asemsourness, acidity; tamarind
Iban asamsour, acid, sulky; plants yielding sour fruit (used in preserves and for flavoring), esp. trees of Mangifera spp.
Malay asamacid; sour; generic for acid fruits and preparations
  asam-asam-ansour fruits and sour preserves for flavoring curries
  hasemacid; sour (W. Sumatra)
Acehnese asamsour, tart, acid; make something sour; smear with citrus juice (as the blade of a weapon to make it shine); also name of various citrus fruits
Karo Batak acemanything used to increase the sourness of desserts, as the fruit of the cekala (Zingiberacea), gelugur, etc.
  ŋ-acem-imake food sour
  juma acema temporary, not well prepared ricefield
Toba Batak asomsour, sour things
  maŋ-asom-imake something sour
  asom-asomlook sour, sulky, of someone's face
Dairi-Pakpak Batak acemsour, sour taste of fruits, especially lime juice
Simalur asemsour
Nias asosourness, tartness, acidity
  aso zaw~atamarind
Rejang aseumtamarind acid, vinegar; sour
  aseum jawaitamarind
Sundanese hasɨmsour, taste sour
  ŋa-hasɨm-anmake something sour or sourer
  tanah hasɨmhard, stony ground
Old Javanese (h)asemtamarind
  hasem-hasem(-an)something sour, a dish of various (pleasantly) sour items (fruits, preserves)
Javanese asemtamarind; sour
Madurese accemtamarind (tree and fruit)
Balinese asemtamarind; sour, acid
  ŋ-asemmake something sour
  asem-asem-anfruits which taste sour
Sasak asemtree with sour fruit (not the Javanese asem)

4165

PWMP     *ma-qalesem sour

WMP
Isneg m-alsámsour herbs
Bolinao ma-ʔalsɨmsour
Sambal (Botolan) ma-ʔalsumsour
Kapampangan m-aslámsour
Tagalog ma-ʔásimsour
Hanunóo ma-ʔaslúmsour, acid
Aklanon ma-áslomsour
Hiligaynon ma-áslumsour
Maranao ma-lasem (< *ma-alsem)sour
  m-asemsour, as vinegar or green mangos
Bisaya (Limbang) musomsour
Lun Dayeh me-lamsour
Kenyah (Long Anap) mesemsour
Melanau (Mukah) mesemsour
Ngaju Dayak m-asemsour; unfriendly
Rhade msamsour
Malay m-asamacid; sour; darkened as by acid. Of sour looks (masam muka), debased silver that will not stay bright (perak masam), etc.
Acehnese m-asamsour tasting
Karo Batak m-acemsour
Toba Batak m-asomsour
Dairi-Pakpak Batak m-acemsour, of the expression on a person's face
Simalur m(a)-asemsour
Javanese m-asemsour, unripe
Balinese m-asemsour

4166

PWMP     *qalesem qalesem small sour plant with clover-like leaves

WMP
Karo Batak acem-acemsmall sour-tasting plant with clover-like leaves
Sasak asem-asemkind of three-leafed clover

Note:   Also Isneg lassám ‘vinegar’, Kalamian Tagbanwa ma-kaklem ‘sour’, Kowiai asam jawa ‘tamarind’. Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *asem, and many contemporary languages appear to reflect a disyllable. We might, therefore, posit three variants: *qalesem, *qaRsem and *qasem. Apart from its disturbing proliferation of variants there is a fundamental phonological problem with this interpretation: *qalesem and *qaRsem clearly are distinct, but the evidence for *qasem is generally compatible with *qalesem. On the assumption that the Tagalog and Maranao forms show cluster reduction (with Maranao optionally reducing the cluster or breaking it up by metathesis), no Philippine language supports *qasem. Moreover, as noted in Blust (1982) there is persuasive evidence that Malay syncopated vowels in the environment VC-CV, with reduction of a resulting cluster of two obstruents.

Cognates of the material cited in Blust (1982) suggest that much the same type of change took place in many of the languages of western Indonesia. Evidence for *qalesem is not confined to the languages of the Philippines, but includes two types of Bornean reflexes: 1) Lun Dayeh me-lam ‘sour’ and Kelabit laam ‘sour’ preserve a reflex of *l, with loss of the first syllable (*qalesem > *elesem > *lesem > *lehem > *lahem > *laem > /laam/), 2) forms such as Bisaya (Limbang) m-usom, Kayan sem ‘sour’ contain a penultimate reflex of shwa, not *a. Since all of the North Sarawak and Sabahan languages for which information is available have neutralized the opposition of PAn *a and *e in prepenultimate syllables (Blust 1974) these forms are most simply explained as having undergone the first of the changes just cited (*qalesem > *elesem), followed by syncopation of medial *e, cluster reduction and loss of initial shwa (*elesem > *elsem > *esem > sem). The reconstruction of *qalesem qalesem (rather than *qasem qasem) ‘small sour plant with clover-like leaves’ follows from this wider comparative picture. Finally, since most WMP languages have syncopated *e in the environment VC-CV, there is little direct evidence for the medial vowel in *qalesem. Yet to reconstruct PWMP *qalsem would violate a well-established canonical shape which allows medial consonant clusters to consist only of homorganically prenasalized obstruents (including *-ŋs-), of preconsonantal *R, or of the abutting consonants in reduplicated monosyllables. PAn *qaRsem does not violate this constraint, yet appears to be ambiguous for *qaRsem or *qaResem.

27569

*qaliliŋ cateye shell

4167

PMP     *qaliliŋ cateye shell

WMP
Chamorro alileŋcateye shell
CMP
Yamdena liliNautilus shell (?)
OC
Nggela lilibrown gastropod: Turbo petholatus
Sa'a sälilibrown gastropod: Turbo petholatus
Arosi arirismall gastropod shell
Niue fua alilicoarse-shelled univalve mollusc
  mahina alilioperculum or "cat's eye" of the above mollusc
Rennellese ʔagigiTurban shells: Turbo petholatus L.
Samoan alilia mollusc: Turbo sp.

27570

*qali-maŋaw mangrove crab

4168

PMP     *qali-maŋaw mangrove crab     [doublet: *qali-maŋu]

WMP
Chamorro atmaŋaospotted sea crab
  akmaŋaothe mangrove crab: Scylla serrata
Nias maŋosea crab
  alimaŋosea crab
Bolaang Mongondow olimaŋowlarge crab

7788

POC     *qali-maŋo mangrove crab

OC
Nali kay-maŋmangrove crab
Loniu elimaŋmangrove crab
Lou alimaŋmangrove crab
Leipon elmaŋmangrove crab
Seimat alimaŋmangrove crab
Wuvulu alimaomangrove crab
Kove alimaŋomangrove crab
Lusi amlaŋo <Mcrab sp.
Arosi arimaŋovery large crab with paddles, found in mangrove swamps
Samoan alimaŋoa crab: Lupea spp. (Pratt 1984 [1911])

Note:   Also Aua arimao, Mendak kalimbaŋ ‘mangrove crab’, Gitua alimaŋa ‘mud crab’, Dobuan ʔalimana, kalimana ‘crab’.

27571

*qali-maŋu mangrove crab

4169

PMP     *qali-maŋu mangrove crab     [doublet: *qali-maŋaw]

WMP
Tagalog alimáŋolarge crab
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalimaŋumangrove crab
Cebuano alimáŋuedible crab of tidal swamps
Palauan ʔemáŋlarge sea crab
OC
Pak kal-moŋmangrove crab
Penchal kemmɨŋmangrove crab
Pohnpeian elimoaŋmangrove crab

Note:   Also Kambera kalimau ‘lobster, crayfish’, Soboyo kamaŋu ‘crab’, Yapese qamaaŋ ‘mangrove crab’ (possibly a loan from Palauan). Penchal ɨ reflects penultimate *a only where a lost final vowel was high. Palauan chemáŋ, which can be assigned to either set, confirms *q-.

27572

*qali-meqes invisible

4170

PWMP     *qali-meqes invisible

WMP
Tagalog alimísfurtive
Cebuano alimúʔusinvisible (Encarnación 1885)
Toba Batak alimosvisible for only a moment
  mar-alimosdisappear rapidly

Note:   Also Tongan manimo ‘surreptitious, secret, underhand, not above-board, not done openly and honestly’, Samoan nimo ‘vanish, disappear, slip one's memory’, Rennellese nimo ‘forget, vanish, disappear’. Dempwolff (1934-38) included the Tongan and Samoan forms in his comparison, but all Polynesian evidence indicates *n rather than *l. Dyen (1953:14, and fn. 55) included the Tongan word on the grounds that the change of *l to /n/ was a conditioned change (*l regularly became n when preceding a syllable that contained a nasal). However, it is inconsistent to cite Tongan, but not the obvious cognates in other Polynesian languages, in which the assimilation in question did not take place.

Finally, Dyen (1953:14) posits a quadrisyllable *alimees to account for Cebuano alimoos, a form quoted from Encarnación (1885). This form does not appear in any more recent dictionary of Cebuano or any other Bisayan languages that I have been able to consult. Whatever its status in Bisayan, Dyen's reconstruction is problematic in at least two respects: 1) no quadrisyllabic morphemes have been reconstructed for earlier stages in Austronesian, and all quadrisyllabic words appear to contain the *qali/kali- prefix, an analysis which I adopt here, 2) no unambiguous sequences of like vowels have been reconstructed, and for this reason I interpret the phonetic glottal stop in the Tagalic forms, and zero in Toba Batak as a reflex of *q.

27574

*qali-peqip scapula

4172

PWMP     *qali-peqip scapula

WMP
Hanunóo ʔalipʔípscapula
Kelabit liʔipscapula
Bare'e wuku lopi (< *alepiʔipʔ)scapula
Cebuano alipʔipperson's back reaching from the shoulders as far as the waist

Note:   Also Kayan laʔip ‘shoulder’, Angkola-Mandailing Batak halipkip ‘scapula’, Makasarese palippiʔ ‘rump (of animals)’. Kelabit liʔip is assumed to reflect earlier *lipʔip, with cluster reduction.

27575

*qali-petpet firefly

4173

PWMP     *qali-petpet firefly     [doublet: *kalim-petpet, *salim-petpet]

WMP
Isneg alipatpátfirefly, glowworm
Casiguran Dumagat alipətpətlightning bug
Tagalog alitaptap <Mfirefly
Aklanon alitáptapglowworm, found on rocks at high tide
Bare'e alipoposmall flying insect, possibly firefly by daylight

Note:   Also Bikol anínipót, Cebuano aniniput, Nabay dialect of Murut (Lowland) aninipot, Timugon Murut andidipot ‘firefly’, all reflecting the simple root *pet.

27576

*qali-puju, qali-puju-an hair whorl

4174

PAN     *qali-puju, qali-puju-an hair whorl

Formosan
Atayal (Cʔuliʔ) qalipuguʔhair whorl (Li 1980)
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hari-pudu-anhair whorl
WMP
Bikol alimpupúro (< R)hair whorl
Aklanon alipudwanhair whorl
  alimpupúdwan (< R)crown of head (where hair whorls)

Note:   Also Saisiyat kaʔalipozaʔan ‘hair whorl’. Paiwan qułipupuduan ‘crown of head (where hair whorls)’ together with some Philippine forms suggests a stem *-pupuju.

27577

*qaliR to flow

4175

PMP     *qaliR to flow

WMP
Malay (h)alirflow along (as water flows, or as perspiration
  umpan (h)alirfloating bait attached to a tali (h)alir, or loose floating line for catching crocodiles
Dairi-Pakpak Batak m-arirto flow
Sasak alirdecant, pour out
Buginese m-aliʔdrift, float on a current
OC
Tolai alirswim, float, drift; float through the air, as a bird with motionless wings; adrift, drifting; to run

4176

PMP     *qaliR-an place where water flows

WMP
Javanese alir-anirrigation conduit; stream of water
OC
Tolai alir-en <Arivulet or small stream caused by the rain

Note:   With root *-liR ‘flow’.

27578

*qali-wadaŋ, kali-wadaŋ clavicle, collarbone

4177

PWMP     *qali-wadaŋ, kali-wadaŋ clavicle, collarbone

WMP
Ilokano aliwadáŋ (< *qali-wadaŋ)clavicle, collarbone
Isneg aliwadáŋ (< *qali-wadaŋ)clavicle, collarbone
Toba Batak haliadaŋ (< *kali-wadaŋ)clavicle, collarbone
Kankanaey aliwadáŋ (< *qali-wadaŋ)rib (used only in tales)

Note:   Also Itbayaten aridawaŋ (< *qali-wadaŋ, with metathesis), Kankanaey alimadáŋ ‘clavicle, collarbone’. I have taken special liberties with the comparative method in dealing with this reconstruction, since there is abundant evidence that PAn had prefixes *qali-, *kali- that were to a large extent interchangeable, and which have become fossilized in the great majority of modern languages. As shown by Bikol anínipót, Paiwan qułipupuduan, and Itbayaten aridawaŋ, it is likely that this class of affixes included a greater variety of phonemic shapes than is explicitly indicated here.

30054

*qaliwat pass by or near

6755

PWMP     *qaliwat pass by or near

WMP
Malay liwat ~ léwatvia, through, by way of; step over (as a sleeping person)
Toba Batak liatcircling about
Malay (Jakarta) liwatvia, through, by way of
Sundanese liwatpassed, beyond, at an end
Old Javanese haliwatto pass, pass by, pass over, travel along
Javanese liwatgo past, to (by way of)
Balinese liwatpass by, pass over, go beyond, cross (a border); exceedingly, very
Sasak liwatpast; cross over (a river)
  ŋe-liwatconvey or transport something across

Note:   Also Tiruray liwet ‘go around, but close by, something or someone; to speak in an indirect, metaphorical, or euphemistic way’, ge-liwet ‘all around’, Maranao liwat ‘forget, forgetfulness, vanish’. The relationship between *liwed ‘scatter to and fro’ and *qaliwat ‘pass by or near’ is unclear. It is possible that all of this material belongs to a single cognate set, but it has so far proved impossible to unite them without recognizing irregularities in a number of languages.

30135

*qalo₁ sun

6877

POC     *qalo₁ sun     [doublet: *qaco]

OC
Pelipowai alsun
Likum ansun
Lindrou ansun
Drehet sun
Seimat alsun
Wuvulu alosun
Motlav na-losun
Central Santo mata-i-alosun
Namakir na-ʔalsun
Raga alosun
Tangoa alosun
Proto-Micronesian *alosun

Note:   Also Mono-Alu healo ‘sun’. Osmond (2003) relates all of these forms to PMP *qalejaw, POc *qaco ‘sun’. Most if not all Admiralty forms do appear to be compatible with POc *qaco, but this is not true of similar forms in Vanuatu and Micronesia, forcing the reconstruction of a doublet with medial *l. *qalo (and *qaco) probably meant ‘day/sun’, with *mata ni qalo or *mata ni qaco more specifically indicating the sun.

30136

*qalo₂ tree with wood used to make fireplows

6878

POC     *qalo₂ tree with wood used to make fireplows

OC
Nauna kalkind of tree with dry wood used to make fireplows
Mussau alokind of tree the wood of which is used for firewood, and was traditionally used to make fireplows

27583

*qalu a fish: barracuda sp.

4189

PMP     *qalu a fish: barracuda sp.

WMP
Malay ikan alu alubarracuda: Sphyraena obtusata
Palauan ʔáibarracuda
Chamorro alubarracuda
OC
Titan althick-bodied barracuda sp.
Nauna kɨlthick-bodied barracuda sp.
Penchal kɨlthick-bodied barracuda sp.
Lou kɔlthick-bodied barracuda sp.
Seimat althick-bodied barracuda sp.
Wuvulu aluthick-bodied barracuda sp.
'Āre'āre rarupike fish
Nggela alubarracuda
Sa'a sälubarracuda

27580

*qalun long rolling wave, swell, billow

4179

PMP     *qalun long rolling wave, swell, billow

WMP
Itawis álunwave (in water)
Ilokano allónwave, ripple forming no breakers, e.g. those produced by a swimmer or bather
Kapampangan álunwave
Tagalog álonwave; waviness of surface
Bikol álonwave, surf
Cebuano álunlong rolling wave, swell; for there to be big waves
Malagasy alonawave, billow
Iban alun(of sea) swell, rollers, surge
Malay alunlong rolling waves; surge or swell of the sea. In contrast to broken water (ombak, gelombaŋ). Of waves "rolling mountain-high"
Sundanese alunwave, billow
Old Javanese (h)alunlong rolling wave, swell of the sea
Javanese alunwave
Balinese alunwave of the sea
OC
Tubetube yalubackwash from wave breaking on the beach

4180

PWMP     *ma-qalun full of waves

WMP
Tagalog ma-alónhaving many waves
Bikol ma-álonturbulent, rough
Old Javanese m-ālunin waves

4181

PWMP     *maŋ-qalun to billow, swell (of waves at sea)

WMP
Malagasy man-àlonato swell, as the sea, rise in billows
Iban ŋ-alunoverwhelm, roll over, drive back, rush furiously (as a wave overwhelming a boat)
Sundanese ŋ-alunswim with the waves, drift on the waves
Old Javanese aŋ-alunto undulate, billow; (of sound) to resound, swell (or "like the surf"?); also: like waves, i.e. in rows (stripes, layers), row upon row

4182

PWMP     *qalun qalun wave-like, wavy

WMP
Kapampangan alun-ʔalunroller-coaster motion; wavy (hair)
Tagalog alún-alónwavy; curly
Malagasy álon-àlonasmall waves
Iban alun-alunwaves or swell
Malay alun-alunbooming. Possibly from the sound of the sea

Note:   Also Tongan ŋalu ‘wave (when rolling in), breaker or surf’, Samoan ŋalu ‘wave, breaker; (of the sea) be rough’, Rennellese ŋagu ‘wave, form waves’, Maori ŋaru ‘wave of the sea’, Hawaiian nalu ‘wave, surf; full of waves; to form waves; wavy, as wood grain’. This form can be securely reconstructed only for PWMP, since the assignment to PMP depends entirely on the proposed cognation of Tubetube yalu. However, at the PWMP level *qalun evidently referred to long rolling waves at sea, or to ripples on the surface of water, in contrast to breakers or surf (PAn *Nabek, PMP, PWMP *nabek), and to tidal waves or high tide (PMP *Ruab).

27579

*qalunan wooden headrest, pillow

4178

PMP     *qalunan wooden headrest, pillow

WMP
Palauan ʔiullpillow
Chamorro alunanpillow
Bolaang Mongondow olunanheadrest
CMP
Kambera nulaŋu <Mprop, support
  nula katikuwooden headrest; pillow
SHWNG
Waropen runawooden headrest
  arunause as a headrest

Note:   Also Tagalog únan ‘pillow’. Distinct from *quluŋaq. Bolaang Mongondow oulunan may show contamination with ulu ‘head’.

27581

*qaluR current, deep channel in the middle of a river

4183

PAN     *qaluR₁ current, deep channel in the middle of a river

Formosan
Kavalan iRuRsmall stream, creek, small river
Amis ʔalolbe carried away by water so that it is no longer seen

4184

PMP     *qaluR₂ current, deep channel in the middle of a river

WMP
Ilokano áloglow land, low field; pool, puddle
Tagalog álogpool of water on a lowland
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalugditch
Cebuano alúggo down to get water
Maranao aloggorge, canyon
Kelabit arurstream, small branch of a river
Kenyah alostream
Malagasy álo-álofosse, ditch, precipice
  álo-n tsàhathe bottom of a ravine; the bed of a river
  álo-n-ònyriverbed (óny = 'river')
Iban alur(main) current of a river, hence the deep channel
Malay alurgroove; cutting; furrow. With many varying or local applications: (Johore) the main channel of a stream between the mudbanks on either side; (Pahang) any channel in river or sea, and even a dry torrent-bed if water flows there sometimes; (Kedah) hollow or backwater scooped out by a stream, the main channel being geloŋ; (Minangkabau) channel, e.g. of relationship, and even of a wife "scooping" money out of her husband; furrow, beaten path made by wild animals
  alur-angroove along horseshoe
  alur-alurchannels made by maggots in fruit
  alur bibirhollow between nostril and center of upper lip
  alur didalam redaŋboat-channel through a swamp
  alur teŋgalaplough-furrow
  alur teŋkokhollow at back of neck
Acehnese aluëbrook, small river, tributary stream
Karo Batak alurbelonging to a certain river system
Sundanese alurtrack, trail left by tiger, rhinoceros, etc. in moving through jungle
Javanese alurcourse, pace, progress
  alur-antrampled out buffalo path' (Pigeaud 1938); 'traces, that which tells a tale (Horne 1974)
Balinese alurcurrent
Bolaang Mongondow alugstriped, having stripes of equal width
Bare'e mo-aluto flow, stream
CMP
Bimanese arucurrent
Kei alurlarge water pitcher

4185

PWMP     *maŋ-qaluR (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Kelabit ŋ-arurfollow along a stream or river
Karo Batak si ŋ-alur Lau Pépéall of the tributary streams of the Lau Pépé
Javanese ŋ-alurrecount events
Balinese ŋ-alurhave a strong current (river)

Note:   Also Pangasinan álog ‘stream, stream or river bed; acres, lowland field or farm’, ka-alog-án ‘wide tract of farmland’, Ngaju Dayak lalohan ‘place in a river which has the greatest depth’. Amis ʔalol ‘be carried away by water so that it is no longer seen’ is phonologically compatible with *qaluR, but is semantically a better match with *qañud. The resemblance between it and reflexes of *qaluR is perhaps best treated as a product of chance. In addition, Bimanese aru may be a borrowing of Malay (h)arus ‘current’, and Kei alur may be unrelated. If so, *qaluR can be assigned only to PWMP.

Dempwolff (1934-38) glossed his reconstruction of this form as ‘Gewässer’ (= ‘lake, pond, waters’). Several reflexes, however, suggest that the fundamental idea expressed by *qaluR was not that of flowing water (cf. *qaliR), but rather that of a channel through which water flowed (cf. Kalamian Tagbanwa ‘ditch’, Maranao ‘gorge, canyon’, Malagasy ‘fosse, ditch, precipice; bed of a river’, Iban ‘deep channel’, Malay (Johore) ‘main channel of river’). In a number of reflexes the notions of channel and flowing water which evidently formed an inseparable part of the original gloss have been dissociated, leaving this form free to refer to one or the other idea independently (Kelabit, Kenyah, Balinese, Bare'e, with reference to flowing water, Sundanese, Javanese, with reference to animal tracks through the jungle).

27582

*qalu-Sipan centipede

4186

PAN     *qalu-Sipan centipede

Formosan
Kavalan Rusipancentipede

4187

PMP     *qalu-hipan centipede

WMP
Tagalog aluhipancentipede
Bikol aluhípancentipede
Hanunóo ʔaluhípancentipede, a small common chilopod 5 to 6 cm. long
Cebuano aluhípancentipede
Tiruray liyufon <Mcentipede
Kenyah lipancaterpillar
  busoŋ lipanscorpion
Iban lipancentipede: Scolopendra subspinipes and others
Jarai rəpancentipede
Roglai lupātcentipede
Cham lipancentipede
Malay halipancentipede
Karo Batak lipancentipede
Toba Batak lipanpoisonous centipede
Simalur aliancentipede
Nias alifacentipede
Mentawai alupatcentipede
Rejang lipeuncentipede
Proto-Sangiric *lipancentipede
Sangir lipaŋcentipede
Bolaang Mongondow ulipan <Mcentipede
Dampelas alipaŋcentipede
Totoli alipancentipede
Uma lipacentipede
Bare'e alipacentipede
Tae' lipancentipede, Scolopendra; their bite causes bodily swelling
Buginese alipaŋcentipede
Makasarese alipaŋcentipede
Palauan ʔíulpoisonous centipede

4188

PCEMP     *qalipan centipede

CMP
Manggarai lipaŋcentipede
Rembong lipancentipede
Kédang ipancentipede
Paulohi ririfan-ecentipede
Buruese lipanmillipede
  lipa-flawasmall millipede which gives off a luminous glow when crushed
SHWNG
Buli lif-lifaŋcentipede
OC
Wuvulu alialifacentipede
Mussau alienacentipede
Motu aihacentipede
Manam aliacentipede
Nggela livacentipede
Lau safila <Mcentipede
Kwaio lalifacentipede (taboo for many at Sinalagu; ʔuʔuaula is used instead)
'Āre'āre rarihecentipede
Ulawa älihacentipede

Note:   Also Saisiyat (Taai) ʔalʸoŋæhipan ‘centipede’, Yami (Imorod) alilipwan ‘centipede’, Itbayaten allipwan ‘centipede’, Ivatis diːpowan ‘centipede’, Tagalog alupihan ‘centipede’, ulapihan ‘centipede’, ulahipan ‘centipede’, Bikol aluluypán ‘centipede’, ulaypán ‘centipede’, Cebuano ulahípan ‘centipede’, Cebuano ulahìpan sa baybáyun ‘sandworm, any of numerous annelids which burrow in the sand (they are used as bait)’, Mansaka ollaipan ‘centipede’, Maranao laiopan ‘centipede’, Tboli siyufun ‘centipede’, Minansut nipal ‘centipede’, Miri ñifal ‘centipede’, Singhi Land Dayak ripapian ‘centipede’, Ma'anyan anilipan ‘centipede’, Katingan jalipan ‘centipede’, Delang soŋgilipan ‘centipede’, Ngaju Dayak halalipan ‘centipede’, Banjarese halilipan ‘centipede’, Malay lipan ‘centipede’, Minangkabau lilipan ‘centipede’, Tae' lalipan ‘centipede’, Buginese alipeŋ ‘centipede’, Buginese balipeŋ ‘centipede’, Li'o nipa fua ‘centipede’, Kambera kalipa ‘centipede’, Rotinese liʔak ‘kind of centipede that phosphoresces when it is rubbed’, Motu ahia ‘centipede’, Sa'a äluhe ‘centipede’.

Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *lipan, but this reconstruction is inadequate in several respects. An etymon *qalipan is capable of explaining a larger number of forms, although this too fails to account for Kavalan Rusipan, various reflexes in the Philippines, Roglai and Mentawai, all of which attest the presence of an additional syllable that contained *u. In recognition of these problems Hendon (1964: fn. 18) posited *ʔaluhipan ‘centipede’.

The bimorphemic analysis that I adopt for *qalu-Sipan is motivated by the following considerations:

1. there appear to be no unambiguous quadrisyllabic morphemes in PAn or PMP,
2. all quadrisyllabic words reconstructed to date contain a (generally fossilized) variant of the *qali/kali- prefix which is associated with a limited number of semantic fields, among them the names of ‘creepy-crawly creatures,
3. the variant *qalu- is attested in other synchronically quadrisyllabic morphemes that belong to the same general semantic field as *qalu-Sipan, as with Itbayaten aluati, Bikol aluluntí, Hanunóo alukatiʔ ‘earthworm’, Bikol alusiwsíw ‘aphid’, Amis ʔalopaynay ‘long bright orange/green beetle-like insect that is pliable like wood’, Hanunóo alutátip ‘wingless, beetle-like brown insect usually found on the ground; believed to be somewhat poisonous’, Ilokano alumpipínig ‘wasp’, and Ilokano alutíit ‘lizard’,
4. whatever its origin (and this is still unclear), the velar nasal of Saisiyat ʔalʸoŋæhipan is far more likely to have been added at a morpheme boundary than intercalated within a morpheme.

27584

*qamataq raw, eat something raw

4190

PAN     *qamataq raw, eat something raw     [doublet: *ataq, *hataq, *qetaq]

WMP
Palauan ʔemádeʔunripe/green; (food) raw/uncooked
OC
Pohnpeian amasraw, uncooked
Chuukese amas(a)not fully cooked, raw
Puluwat yemahraw, uncooked; raw or uncooked food
Woleaian yemat(a)raw, not cooked; new

27592

*qamiS north wind

4198

PAN     *qamiS north wind

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Haminorth; year, age
  H-em-aminorth wind blows
Paiwan (Northeastern) qamisnorth
Amis ʔamisnorth

4199

PAN     *qamiS-an north; winter

Formosan
Atayal qmisanwinter
Seediq mis-anwinter
Saisiyat ʔæmiSænwinter
  kapn-æʔmiSan-annorth
Kanakanabu ʔamís-anəwinter
Saaroa ʔamis-an-awinter
Pazeh ʔamisannorth; winter
Bunun hamis-anyear (Tsuchida 1976)
  qamis-anage

4200

PMP     *qamihan north wind

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat amiyannortheast wind, northeast monsoon; rainy season
Ilokano amiánnorth wind
Kapampangan amianwinter, the cold season from October to January
Tagalog amihannorth wind, northeast wind; breeze from the mountains going to the lowlands
Bikol amíhannortheast wind, trade wind
Hanunóo ʔamíhannortheast; northeast wind, which is usually very gentle
Aklanon amíhannortheast wind
Kalamian Tagbanwa kamiannortheast prevailing wind
Cebuano amíhanwind from the north
  paŋ-amíhanblow from the north
Mansaka amiyanrainy season; north wind
Maranao amiannorth wind
Sangir miaŋwind between north and north-northwest which brings much rain
Proto-Minahasan *amiannorth; north wind
Tontemboan amiannorth; north wind
  m-amiantravel northwards, head in a northerly direction
  ma-amiannorthwest monsoon

4201

PPh     *qamihan-an north; rainy season

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat k-amiyan-annortheast
Ilokano amián-annorth
Bikol amihán-andirection of the northeast wind
Aklanon amihán-annorth(erly)
Hiligaynon amính-an <Mnorth
Cebuano amihán-annorth, northern
Maranao amian-annorth

Note:   Reflexes of PAn *qamiS are confined to languages which lie north of the Equator. Since no system of terms for the cardinal directions can be reconstructed for any early Austronesian proto-language, and since terms for the west and east monsoons were important from at least PMP times, it appears most likely that PAn *qamiS meant ‘north wind’. Under this hypothesis PAn *qamiS-an (lit. ‘place of the north wind’) would have meant ‘north’ or ‘winter’. In PMP the morpheme boundary separating *qamiS from the locative suffix was lost, yielding a new trisyllabic base *qamihan, which took over the original meaning of *qamiS ‘north wind’. History then repeated itself, and the locative suffix *-an was added to the new and longer PMP base to yield *qamihan-an (lit. ‘place of the north wind’) now meaning ‘north; rainy season’, since speakers of PMP had at this point advanced too far south for the recognition of temperate seasonality to any longer have a meaning.

27595

*qanahaw palm spp.

4204

PWMP     *qanahaw palm spp.

WMP
Itbayaten anahawfan palm: Livistona spp.
Ilokano anáawkind of tall palm: Livistona rotundifolia
  in-anáaw-ankind of hat made with anáaw leaves
  ka-anáaw-anpalm grove
Itawis anáwpalm sp.
Casiguran Dumagat anáwpalm of the genus Livistona (the leaves are used for roofing houses, and for raincapes; the outer bark is stripped and used for flooring, bows and arrow shafts)
Kapampangan anawkind of wild palm
Tagalog anáhawfan palm: Livistona spp.
Bikol anáhawfan palm, possessing fronds which may be used for hats and thatching for houses: Livistona chinensis
Hanunóo ʔanaháwpalm sp.: Livistona robinsoniana Becc.; the bold was formerly much prized as a source of bow wood
Aklanon anáhawfan palm: Livistona rotundifolia
Cebuano anáhawkind of palm with fan-shaped leaves: Livistona rotundifolia. The leaves are used for mats, hats, etc. Potted anáhaw are widely used for ornamental purposes
  anáhaw mubuʔornamental palm similar in appearance to the anáhaw: Licuala spinosa
Subanen/Subanun anahawtree whose long leaves are used in religious dances
Kayan anawpalm sp.
Kenyah anawpalm sp.
Ngaju Dayak hanawpalm sp.; its pith is boiled down to obtain a red sugar, and its bast used to make cordage
Banjarese hanawa palm: Arena spp.
Iban anawa palm: Arena spp.
Malay enawsugar-palm: Arenga saccharifera (Java)
Old Javanese hanothe aren-palm (Arenga saccharifera
Buginese anawsugar palm

Note:   Although PWMP *qanahaw clearly designated some subset of palm trees, the membership of this set remains unclear. Philippine witnesses are unanimous in indicating the fan palm (genus Livistona), whereas the languages of western Indonesia are equally unanimous in indicating the sugar palm (genus Arena). If PWMP *izuk designated the sugar palm itself, rather than its horse-hair-like fibers, this would leave the fan palm as the most likely referent of *anahaw.

27608

*qani proximal deictic: this

4232

PAN     *qani₁ proximal deictic: this

Formosan
Atayal qanithis, these, here
WMP
Kayan (Uma Juman) ani-hthis
Bilaan (Sarangani) anithis
Mansaka y-anithis
Mamanwa w-anithis
OC
Bugotu anithis, here

Note:   See note to *qadi. The Kayan (Uma Juman) deictics in general have a secondary final h of unknown provenance.

27596

*qanibuŋ fruit-bearing bush or tree

4205

PAN     *qanibuŋ₁ fruit-bearing bush or tree

Formosan
Paiwan qanivuŋPhoenix hanceana var. formosana (bush and fruit)

4206

PMP     *qanibuŋ₂ a palm, probably Oncosperma sp.

WMP
Isneg aníboŋthe fish-tail palm: Caryota cumingii Lodd.
Kankanaey aníbuŋtinder. The name is also applied to many plants which provide it, as the Asclepiadaceae, cat-tail or mace reed, etc.
Ilokano aníbuŋCaryota cumingii Lodd. The fish-tail palm: a slender palm with spreading leaves and numerous flabelliform leaflets, the apex of which is obliquely truncate and irregularly and prominently toothed. It yields a kind of tinder and its leaves are used for ornamental purposes
Kapampangan aniboŋwild palm; kind of starch
Kalamian Tagbanwa kanibuŋkind of hard palm used for bows
Palawan Batak ʔaníbuŋtree sp.; tree shoots or suckers
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaniƀuŋtype of hard palm formerly used for bows
Cebuano aníbuŋfishtail palm: Caryota spp. It is found in forests and used as flooring
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) enivuŋany palm of the genus Oncosperma
Maranao aniboŋa palm, Oncosperma sp.; type of rattan
Kenyah (Long Jeeh) ñibuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Berawan (Long Terawan) niuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Berawan (Batu Belah) nikuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Miri nibuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Kayan (Uma Juman) ñivuŋany palm of the genus Oncosperma
Malagasy anívonaa palm used in house-building. The wood is also used as a torch by the queen's messengers who travel by night
Iban niboŋtall prickly cluster palms, Oncosperma spp.: Oncosperma horridum Scheff. (bayas) growing inland; Oncosperma tigillarium (filamentosum) Blume (niboŋ proper) coastal, with leaves arched; niboŋ wood resists teredo and termites; yields posts, piles, ribs of leaf thatch, split flooring; spines make blowpipe darts; fruit can be used as betel (pinaŋ) and the 'cabbage' (upaʔ) is edible
Malay niboŋthe well-known 'nibong' palm, Oncosperma filamentosa; the name is applied also to Orania macrocrandus (niboŋ ibul), and to another Oncosperma (niboŋ padi). The true niboŋ has a thorny trunk so that climbing it is synonymous with 'asking for trouble'
  niboŋ panithe hairy substance found in an ear of maize
Acehnese nibōŋpalm sp.: Oncosperma filamentosum Bl.
Karo Batak nibuŋpalm sp.; from its trunk laths are made that can be used instead of planks in making flooring, etc.
Simalur anifuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Rejang nibuŋtree sp.
Sundanese nibuŋbetel-nut palm: Areca spp.

Note:   Also Malagasy anívo ‘a species of palm (Prov.)’, Toba Batak libuŋ ‘kind of wild coconut palm which grows in the forest’. Although the referent of PAn *qanibuŋ remains indeterminate, it is clear that PMP *qanibuŋ was used for one or more types of palms that were evidently useful in making flooring (reflexes in Cebuano, Iban, Karo Batak, and perhaps Malagasy). Throughout the northern and central Philippines the referent is the Caryota, or fish-tail palm, while in the southern Philippines, Borneo, the Malay Peninsula, and Sumatra it is the genus Oncosperma. In Blust (1984-1985) I associated *qanibuŋ with Caryota, but the known distribution of semantic reflexes actually favors Oncosperma.

27599

*qanih to harvest

4217

PAN     *qanih₁ to harvest

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) mar-Ha-Hanito harvest
WMP
Isneg ánito harvest, reap rice
Ilokano ánito reap, harvest (grain)
  ani-énto reap, harvest (grain)
Bontok ʔánito harvest rice or other grain-bearing plants; to gather seeds from certain weeds
Kankanaey áni, aní-ento harvest; to reap; to crop; to pick
Bikol ániharvest
  mag-ánito harvest, reap
Aklanon áni(h)harvest
Old Javanese hanirice in the field (?)

4218

PWMP     *qanih-an₁ to harvest

WMP
Isneg aniy-ānto harvest, reap rice
Bikol ar-aníh-anharvest time
Aklanon aníh-anthe harvest
Old Javanese hany-anrice ready for harvesting

4219

PWMP     *q<aR>anih to harvest

WMP
Ilokano ag-ánito reap, harvest (grain)
Maranao aganiharvest rice
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) eɣaniharvest
Kelabit ranihharvest

27600

*qanilaw a tree; Grewia spp.

4220

PMP     *qanilaw a tree; Grewia spp.

WMP
Isneg alináw <Msmall urticaceous forest tree whose timber furnishes carrying poles
Hanunóo ʔanílawspecies of tree (family Tiliaceae)
Aklanon anílawsmall tree: Grewia eriocarpa
Cebuano anílawsmall trees or shrubs of the genera Columbia and Grewia found in secondary growth forests
Maranao anilawa tiliaceous tree: Columbia serratifolia (Cav.)
Tboli kenilawtree used for building, as medicine for conjunctivitis (obtained by squeezing the skin just under the bark), and for a chewing mixture
Malay nilaua plant, Cupania pallidula
  nilau nasia plant, Trichospermum javanicum
  nilau payaa plant, Commersonia echinata
CMP
Bimanese rino <Mspecies of forest tree
Komodo nilahardwood tree with black heartwood; Grewia (?)
Manggarai nilatree with thick trunk and small leaves, with wood that is useful for house-building; tree species: Grewia
Rembong nilatree species: Micropos and Grewia
Rotinese lino <Mtree sp.
Kei ai nila tree: Cassia fistula L.
Buruese nilaa tree, the "marong" or Ambon

Note:   Also Bontok alinʔew ‘tall tree with good bast fiber: Croton caudatus Geisel’, Kankanaey alinʔéw ‘small tiliaceous tree with white flowers: Grewia setacea Merr.’.

27601

*qaninaw shadow, indistinct image

4221

PPh     *qaninaw shadow, indistinct image     [doublet: *qaninu, etc.]

WMP
Kapampangan aninawshadow; reflection
Tagalog anináwvisible through a haze
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaninawsee something indistinctly, but partially recognizable

27603

*qaninu, qaninuŋ shadow, reflection

4223

PMP     *qaninu, qaninuŋ shadow, reflection

WMP
Kakiduge:n Ilongot aninushadow
Mansaka aninushadow
Palawan Batak ʔanínuŋshadow
Chamorro anineŋshadow, seclusion
CMP
Bimanese ninushadow, reflection

Note:   Chamorro normally reflects *u in a closed syllable as o, but sometimes shows a front vowel instead, as in *ijuŋ > gwiʔeŋ ‘nose’ or *li(n)duŋ > liheŋ ‘sheltered’.

27602

*qaninuŋ shadow

4222

PWMP     *qaninuŋ shadow     [doublet: *qaninu, etc.]

WMP
Palawan Batak ʔanínuŋshadow
Chamorro anineŋ <Ashadow; seclusion

Note:   Also Bolaang Mongondow oliuŋ ‘shadow, that is, a shadowed or shaded place’.

27604

*qani-Ruan a small bee: Apis indica

4224

PMP     *qani-Ruan a small bee: Apis indica     [doublet: *qari-ñuan]

WMP
Kapampangan anigguanbee sp. (Bergaño 1860)
  pulut anigguan {one or two g's}honey of this bee
[Tagalog ligwánkind of honey bee (< *qali-Ruan)]
[Bikol ligwánbee sp. (< *qali-Ruan)]
[Aklanon lígwanlarge horsefly (< *qali-Ruan)]
[Cebuano ligwánsmall wild honeybee, having black and light orange stripes, nesting inside trees or walls (< *qali-Ruan)]
Malay neruanbee or hornet, species unidentified
Sundanese ñiruan <Asmall to middle-sized honeybee that nests inside tree hollows and rock clefts
CMP
Manggarai ruaŋyellowish-red bee smaller than the ordinary honeybee: Apis indica
Sika ruaŋbee sp.

Note:   Also Simalur aniwan ‘wild bee (< *qani-Ruan, with irregular *R > Ø (?)), Malay (Jakarta) ñaruan ‘bee or hornet’, Sasak keñeruh, keñeruh-an ‘bee’. It would be attractive to unite *qani-Ruan and *qari-ñuan under a single reconstruction. Since reflexes of (a) in our data are both more common and more widely attested (being found in WMP and CMP languages), *qani-Ruan is perhaps the preferred shape of such an invariant prototype. But under this interpretation we must recognize at least three independent metatheses (Ilokano, the Bornean forms, Toba Batak), of which the second followed the sporadic palatalization of *n before i. An invariant prototype *qari-ñuan not only exacerbates this problem, but cannot account for the stem-initial g of various Philippine reflexes. This difficulty might be alleviated by positing *qaRi-ñuan, but among other obstacles to such an interpretation independent evidence for a prefix *qaRi- is unknown. On balance, then, the reconstruction of doublets with complementary affixation, though not entirely problem-free, appears preferable to an invariant prototype. Sundanese ñiruan could be a metathesis of *qari-ñuan.

27605

*qaniS harvest; to harvest

4225

PAN     *qaniS harvest; to harvest     [doublet: *aRani]

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) -Hanito harvest

4226

PMP     *qanih₂ harvest; to harvest

WMP
Isneg ánito harvest, to reap rice
Bontok ʔániharvest rice or other grain bearing plants; to gather seeds from certain weeds
Kankanaey ánito harvest; to reap; to crop, to pick
Ilokano ánito reap, to harvest grain
Ifugaw ániharvest (of the rice)
Pangasinan ánito harvest
  na-ániharvested crops (especially rice, corn)
  panaŋ-ániharvest season
Tagalog ániharvest
Bikol ániharvest, crop
  ar-aníh-anharvest time
Hanunóo ʔániharvesting rice with the bare hands, i.e. without the help of a bladed implement
Aklanon ánito harvest, gather a crop
Hiligaynon ániharvest, produce
Cebuano ániharvest (usually rice, but by extension, other crops); get benefit from something
  in-ániharvested rice or millet
Malay ani-aniharvesting knife (in Java)
Old Javanese hanirice in the field?
Javanese ani aniharvest rice plants with a large harvesting knife
Balinese añiharvest rice
  añi añithe kind of knife traditionally used for cutting rice; the heads are cut off just below the grain, leaving most of the straw standing in the field

4227

PAN     *maR-qani harvest; to harvest

Formosan
[Puyuma (Tamalakaw) maR-Ha-Hanito harvest]
WMP
Ilokano ag-ánireap, harvest grain
Bikol mag-ániharvest, reap
Hanunóo mag-ʔániharvest with the hands
Hiligaynon mag-ániharvest, reap

4228

PWMP     *qanih-an₂ the harvest, what is harvested

WMP
Isneg aniy-ānto harvest, to reap rice
Bikol aníh-anto harvest, reap
Aklanon aníh-anthe harvest
Old Javanese hany-anrice ready for harvesting

4229

PPh     *qanih-en to harvest, reap

WMP
Ilokano ani-énto reap, to harvest grain
Kankanaey aní-ento harvest; to reap; to crop; to pick
Hiligaynon ani-unto harvest, to reap

Note:   Blust (1989:123) reconstructed PAn *qanih, but a stronger argument can be made that the final consonant (lost in absolute final position in all languages, and retained only before a suffix in some Central Philippine reflexes) was *S. The palatal nasal in Balinese añi conflicts with Old Javanese hani, Javanese ani ani, and Malay ani ani (the latter probably a Javanese loan), and is treated here as due to secondary palatalization. Blust (1989) treated reflexes of *qaRani as affixed forms of the present reconstruction (*q-aR-anih), but parallels for infixation with *-aR- (in contrast to *-ar-) are difficult to find. For this reason I have returned to a modified form of an earlier solution (Blust 1970) in which *qaniS and *aRani (ambiguous for *(q)aRani(S)) are treated as doublets.

27618

*qanunu shadow

4244

PMP     *qanunu₁ shadow     [doublet: *qaninu, etc.]

WMP
Palauan leʔúl <Mscar; shadow

4245

POC     *qanunu₂ shadow; reflection; soul     [doublet: *qaninu, etc.]

OC
Wuvulu anunushadow; reflection
Aua anunushadow; reflection
Lakalai halulushadow; reflection; photograph; occasionally spirit of a human being
Kove anunushadow; picture
Wogeo vanunushadow; reflection
Manam anunushadow; reflection
Gitua anunuimage, spirit, soul, photo, etc.
Molima ʔanunushadow; reflection
Mono-Alu nunu-naspirit (living)
Nggela nunushadow; reflection, shape; picture, photograph
Lau nunu-(na)shadow, shade; a likeness, photograph, picture, image
Kwaio nunu-nashadow, image, picture; 'shade' of the dead; one element in two-part conception of "soul", which departs body at death, and after liminal period goes to aŋogWaʔu, the land of the shades
  nunu-fiato shade (intransitive); overcast
Sa'a nunu(ku)shadow of persons, reflection, likeness, carvings, soul, consciousness; a new set of gongs is said to be the nunu of the old set
  nunu i niureflections of coconut leaves; a zigzag in tattoo; a canoe decoration
'Āre'āre nunu-nashadow of persons or things as cast by the sun; likeness, phantom, portrait, figure, carving; a man's very self
Arosi nunu-naimage, shape, reflection, picture, carved post; it is also rarely used as auŋa, soul
Bauro nunuimage, reflection; principle soul
Santa Ana nunu-naspirit (living)

30670

*qanusi to spit at (as an insult?)

8207

POC     *qanusi to spit at (as an insult?)     [doublet: *kanisu]

OC
Mota anusto spit; spittle; the lungs
Makatea nusito spit
Rotuman ɔnusito spit
Tongan ʔa-ʔanuto spit
  ʔanuh-ito spit, spit on, spit out
Niue anuto spit
  tau-anuto spit (plural)
Futunan ʔanu-ʔanuto spit
  ʔanu-sito spit in someone’s face, spit on someone
Samoan anuto spit; spittoon
  anu-siabe smelly (said of dead animal, etc.)
Tuvaluan anuto spit
Anuta anusaliva, spit, spittle
Maori ānu (< ʔa-ʔanu)to spit, sputter

Note:   Also Nggela aŋusu ‘to spit’, Kwaio ŋisu ‘saliva, spittle, gall’, ŋisu-a ‘to spit on’, Lau ŋisu spittle; to spit’, ŋisu-fi ‘to spit upon’, Arosi ŋisu to spit’, ŋisu-hi ‘spit on’. This reconstruction was first proposed by Milke (1968), who also cited several forms now included under the doublet *kanisu, but ignored the massive amounts of irregularity that must be accepted in order to maintain a single proto-form *qanusi. The POc base apparently was a trisyllabic verb ending with *–i, which was reinterpreted in Proto-Polynesian as containing the ‘close transitive’ suffix –i, thereby giving rise to an innovative stem ʔanu.

27607

*qaNi weaving spindle

4231

PAN     *qaNi weaving spindle     [disjunct: *hanay, *hanʔey 'arrange the warp on the loom']

Formosan
Paiwan qalʸi-anspindle and whorl (for weaving)
WMP
Malay meŋ-aniarrange the warp on a loom (so as to create the pattern)
  peŋ-anispool-rack
Balinese hañi <Athe warp in the loom

27606

*qaNi- variant of the *qali/kali- prefix

4230

PAN     *qaNi- variant of the *qali/kali- prefix

Formosan
Amis ʔaƚipaŋpaŋbutterfly (Ogawa 1934)
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Halivaŋvaŋbutterfly
Rukai (Budai) ɭiaɭiváranəbutterfly
Kanakanabu ʔaƚimətək-apaddy leech
Bunun qanivalvalrainbow
WMP
Bikol aniniŋálecho
Cebuano aniníputfirefly

27598

*qaNiC animal skin, hide, leather

4212

PAN     *qaNiC animal skin, hide, leather

Formosan
Saaroa alhicileather
Tsou hicileather
Paiwan qalʸitsskin, pod, shell
Amis ʔaditscab over a healing wound

4213

PMP     *qanit animal skin, hide, leather

WMP
Kankanaey ánitbark; skin (of ánes, a kind of bamboo much used in basket-making
Tagalog ánitscalp
  anítshaved close
Bikol ánitanimal skin, hide, pelt; leather
Hanunóo ʔánitmolting of animals, as of reptiles, insects, etc.
Kalamian Tagbanwa kanitremove hide
Cebuano ánitleather; remove the skin, peels
Maranao anitskin (as of a carabao)
Kadazan anitskin, peel
  maŋ-anitto skin, to peel, to strip the skin off
Kelabit anittree bark, pig skin (rude when used for people)
Kayan anitanimal skin, hide
Murik anitskin (of animals)
Kayan (Uma Juman) anitskin
  ŋ-anitto skin, flay
Kenyah anitskin
Bukat anitskin
Iban anitgnaw, nibble, tear off with the teeth (as the skin of a fruit)
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) añitanimal skin with the hairs on it, pelt (of small animal)
Gorontalo walitoskin (of animals)
CMP
Rembong anitsubcutaneous tissue between the skin and muscles
Sika anitto skin, to flay (as a deer)

4214

PAN     *q<um>aNiC to skin an animal

Formosan
Paiwan q-m-alitsto skin (animal)

4215

PMP     *q<um>anit to skin an animal

WMP
Kayan m-anitskin an animal; peel off an outer covering or layer
Kenyah m-anitto skin

4216

PPh     *qanit-an to skin an animal

WMP
Bikol anít-anto flay or skin an animal
Kadazan onit-anto skin, to peel, strip the skin off

Note:   Also Manobo (Western Bukidnon) anis ‘to skin an animal’. Blust (1970) reconstructed *(q)añiC ‘skin, hide’, but the medial nasal appeared to conflict with Formosan reflexes. Evidence from Kayan, Kenyah, Bukat, and perhaps Iban, all of which preserve the *n/ñ distinction, also contradicts the reconstruction of a palatal nasal, and it is now clear that the palatal nasal of Land Dayak forms such as Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) is best treated as a product of secondary assimilation. Animal, plant, and human integuments were represented in PAn by two distinct terms. PAn *qaNiC referred to animal skin (both on the animal, and removed), as opposed to *kuliC ‘skin (of humans)’. PAn *q-um-aNiC, and perhaps some other affixed forms, referred to the skinning of animals, of which deer are perhaps most frequently mentioned in the sample sentences of dictionary entries.

27597

*qaNiCu ghost, spirit of the dead; owl

4207

PAN     *qaNiCu ghost, spirit of the dead; owl

Formosan
Tsou hicuspirit, god
Saaroa ʔilhicu <Aevil spirit
Siraya littoevil spirit
Bunun qanitughost
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HalTuowl

4208

PMP     *qanitu ghost, ancestral spirit; nature spirit; corpse; owl; various plants

WMP
Itbayaten anitughost, spirit
  tabaaku núanituplant sp.
Isneg anítospirit, ghost
Ilokano anítospirit, ghost; superstition
  ag-anítoworship the spirits
Bontok ʔanítuthe spirit of an ancestor; any spirit
  ʔan-ʔanittuact as though possessed by a spirit
Kankanaey anítospirit, either good or evil
Ifugaw aninítothe word-base aníto, conveying the idea of a supernatural being (either a deity or a spirit), is always pluralized by the reduplication of ni, even in the Ifugaw invocations and prayers
Casiguran Dumagat anítotype of spirit
Kapampangan anítospirit (Bergaño 1860)
  mag-aníto, maŋ-anítomake offerings to the spirits
Tagalog anítoidolatry, superstitious custom
Bikol anítoancestral spirits once represented by carved wooden statues
Kalamian Tagbanwa kanitusupernatural power belonging to familiar spirits, evil spirits, and shamans by virtue of their relationship to spirits
Aklanon anítosbenevolent lesser spirits who go around counteracting the evil done by devils or evil spirits (the pagan version of a "saint")
Cebuano anítusupernatural beings which do not show themselves, and do good to people
Kayan toʔspirit, ghost
Ngaju Dayak hantucorpse, carcass
  hantu bantas, hantu baranak, hantu barunovarious kinds of evil spirits
  hantu-envery frightening being which causes all kinds of sicknesses. It is a person who after his death becomes a hantuen
Iban antuspirit, demon, or devil that can enter into men; familiar spirit, esp. of ancestor, in whatever guise it appears; the dead; any denizen of another world, the first being existing at the creation
  antu palaʔhead trophy, dried head of an enemy
Rhade mtâoghost, spirit
Malay hantuevil spirit; ghost. Generic for invisible spirits of evil that work in darkness or secrecy. They include: (1) demons of localities, (2) demons tied to special spots or tutelary spirits of freaks of nature, (3) demons behind natural phenomena, such as echoes, will o' the wisps, meteors, (4) invisible elves wandering about the earth, (5) evil spirits associated with definite diseases, (6) vengeful ghosts of the dead, e.g. of the murdered, (7) ghost-birds, harpies or vampires, (8) discarded divinities of older faiths, (9) the tiger-spirit attached to a sorcerer, (10) familiar spirits generally, (11) the magician's head as a familiar spirit, (12) familiar spirits of indefinite local character. Ghosts are credited by Malays with planting wild varieties of fruit; e.g. pisaŋ hantu would mean "wild banana". The word is therefore common in Malay botanical names.
  buruŋ hantuowl
Moken katoyspirit
Acehnese hantughost, evil spirit
  hantu rimbaforest spirit
Simalur hantuevil spirit, demon, ghost
Karo Batak (h)antunature spirit, lord of stream and wood; mountain spirits, in a certain sense the "owners" of their dwelling places
Dairi-Pakpak Batak hantughost, spirit
  me-hantuarouse sentiments of respect, awe or fear
Sundanese hantua certain evil spirit
  manuk hantukind of owl
Old Javanese hanituevil powers?
  hantuto die, dead, extinguished; death
  ka-hantuto swoon
Javanese antu(bookish) dead; (archaic) (evil) spirit
Sasak antuspirit, ghost
Uma anituspirit, ghost; village spirit
Bare'e anituname for the spirits that reside in the village temple (lobo) or in the smithy; a small snake that often stays in the temple ... is the personification of an anitu
Buginese anitukind of plant
Palauan ʔelídgod; deity; spirit; sacred object (about which some prohibition is made); center
  ʔedu-lreligion, belief
Chamorro aniti <Adevil, satan
CMP
Rembong nitunature spirit
Ngadha nitutree sp.; earth spirit, earth personified and deified; nature spirit; all ancestors, all the deceased
Sika nituspirit of the dead
Rotinese nituancestral spirits; evil spirit; forest spirit
Leti nituspirit, ghost, spectre
Yamdena nituspirit, ghost, spectre
Fordata nitudead person; ghost, shade, spectre
Dobel nitughost
Kei nitcorpse, shade, shadow, spectre; dead person
Paulohi nituspirit of the dead
Kamarian nitughost, spirit
Buruese nitudeceased, corpse; ghost
OC
Wuvulu aniʔuspirit of the dead
Lusi antuspirit; ghost
Mbula konghost, spirit of the dead
Motu mase-anitudie from disease, not a violent death
Gitua anutu <AGod
Gedaged anut <Aname of a tibud (ancestral) spirit... Some say that Anut lived in the Laden region, others say Anut lived far away and did not concern himself about man; God, the creator of heaven and earth; the gods and idols of the non-Christian
Tanga kinit <Acorpse; bush spirit or ghost
Fauro nituspirit of the dead
Mono-Alu nitu-naspirit of the dead
Cheke Holo n-anitu, naʔitu <Mspirit, ancestral spirit, ghost, forest spirit; spiritual power; any unfamiliar, frightening presence
Gilbertese antia god, spirit, ghost
  anti-nadeify, hold or worship as a god
Marshallese anijGod
  anij-nijspell, enchantment; magic, sorcery, witchcraft
  anji-ncast a spell on
Kosraean inutgod, spirit, ghost
Pohnpeian enighost, usually considered malicious
  eni aramasancestral ghost
Mokilese enidemon, ghost
Chuukese énúgod, spirit, spirit of the dead, ghost
  énúú-n aramasspirit of a dead person that has acquired someone as a medium
Puluwat yanúancient god
Woleaian yalius(iu)ghost, spirit, god; chant directed to a god or spirit
Sonsorol-Tobi jarʉdighost, spirit (Capell 1969)
  jaryth(y)ghost, god (Quackenbush 1968)
Rotuman ʔɔitu(PN loan) god, object or worship; shark, stingray or other creature regarded as the habitat of a god; God
Tongan ʔeitu-matupuʔaname of a certain supernatural being
Niue aitughost, supernatural being
Samoan aitughost, spirit
  aitu-abe haunted
Tuvaluan aitufamily spirit in animal form which helped the family by providing omens and making predictions; ghost; fairy
  aitu-abe haunted
Rennellese ʔaituworshipped deity, god, esp. the district gods; Lord, Jesus; worship a deity
Kapingamarangi eiduspirit; ghost; monster; ancient deities
Nukuoro eidughost, spirit, god
  eidu aitreat as a totem, worship, treat as a supernatural being
Rarotongan aitugod, deity, spirit
Maori aitusickness, calamity; demon
  aitu-āof ill omen, unlucky; unfortunate, in trouble, misfortune, trouble, disaster, accident; omen, particularly evil omen

4209

PPh     *qanitu-an (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Isneg anitow-ānshaman
Bikol anito-anmake a sacrifice to or hold a festival for a particular aníto

4210

PMP     *maŋ-qanitu make offering to spirits (?)

WMP
Kankanaey maŋ-anítokind of big pink gusí (imported Chinese jar); it is supposed to throw out others of its kind that stand too near, whence its name
Kapampangan maŋ-anítomake offerings to the spirits
Malay meŋ-hantubecome a ghost
CMP
Yamdena maŋ-anituspirit medium, person believed to have the ability to communicate with spirits

4211

PWMP     *maR-qanitu communicate with spirits (?)

WMP
Isneg max-anítocommunicate with the spirits
Bikol mag-anítomake a sacrifice to or hold a festival for a particular anito
Malay ber-hantuhaving a ghost; possessed by a ghost

Note:   Also Proto-Atayalic *ʔaliutux ‘ghost’. It is evident that *qaNiCu represented an important concept in traditional Austronesian-speaking societies. The basic notion appears to be that of ‘ghost, spirit of the dead’, as opposed to ‘soul, spirit of the living’ (*sumaŋed, q.v.). In some WMP and OC languages (as Karo Batak and Cheke Holo) and in many CMP languages, reflexes of *qaNiCu also refer to nature spirits, probably through the normal associative links of animism (ghost > ancestral spirit > nature spirit). The reference to ‘owl’ in Puyuma, Malay, and Sundanese suggests that this bird has long been regarded as a spectral manifestation in the Austronesian-speaking world, while the scattered references to plants (Itbayaten, Malay, Buginese, Ngadha) are perhaps best illuminated by Wilkinson's (1959) gloss for Malay hantu.

27573

*qaNi-meCaq water leech, river leech: Hirudinaria spp.

6854

PAN     *qaNi-meCaq water leech, river leech: Hirudinaria spp.

Formosan
Amis (Kiwit) ɬa-ɬintaqmountain leech

4171

PMP     *qali-metaq water leech, river leech: Hirudinaria spp.

WMP
Itbayaten lintaleech
Isneg alimtálarge leech, striped yellow and black
Itawis alintaleech
Ilokano alintáearthworm; in some districts: leech
Tagalog lintáʔriver leech
Bikol lintáʔwater leech
  lintaʔ-ánput a water leech on someone (as for the purpose of bleeding him)
Hanunóo lintáʔa carnivorous annelid worm, leech or bloodsucker, found usually in small pools or in bodies of still, fresh water
Masbatenyo líntaʔpaddy leech
Cebuano lintáʔleech
Yakan lintaʔa leech, class Hirudinea
Tausug lintaʔleech, blood-sucking worm
Kelabit lemetaʔblack leech found only in streams
Kiput litəʔearthworm
Punan Kelai lemtaʔriver leech
Singhi Land Dayak rimotahwater leech
Malagasy dintaleech
Iban lintahbuffalo or water leech, Hirudinaria spp.
Jarai retahwater leech
Malay (ha)lintahgeneric for slow leeches in contrast to springing leeches (pacat)
Karo Batak lintahlarge water leech
Toba Batak lintalarge water leech
Bolaang Mongondow lintaʔleech
Totoli lintaleech (land and water)
Bare'e alintaleech
Makasarese alintaleech
Ibaloy alintakind of blood-sucking water leech found in warm places

Note:   Also Kadazan himbataʔ ‘water leech’, Tae' la-lenta, Muna rinta ‘leech’. Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *lintaq ‘leech’, not recognizing that this form was bimorphemic, or that every language he compared has syncopated *e in the environment VC CV, with subsequent assimilation of the nasal to the following stop. For further details, cf. Blust (2001).

27609

*qaNiŋu shadow, reflection

4233

PAN     *qaNiŋu 'shadow, reflection

Formosan
Saisiyat ʔaliŋoreflection (in mirror or water)
Kavalan niŋushadow, reflection
Bunun qaniŋupicture; shadow
Amis ʔadigoshadow; human soul or spirit

4234

PMP     *qaninu shadow, reflection

WMP
Itbayaten aninoshadow, shadow figure
  anino-ento notice
Casiguran Dumagat aninɔshadow; to reflect (off the surface of still water)
Pangasinan anínoshadow
Sambal (Botolan) aninoshadow
Tagalog anínoshadow; reflection (on shiny surface, as mirror, etc.)
Bikol anínoshadow; reflection
  maŋ-anínoto reflect an image (as water, a mirror)
  paŋ-aninó-ancast a shadow on
Aklanon anino(h)shadow, reflection; image; silhouette
Cebuano anínushadow; cast a shadow on
Mansaka aninoshadow; reflection
CMP
Bimanese ninushadow; reflection
  sa-ninumirror
Kambera ninushadow, shadow-image; reflection (as in water)
  ka-ninube reflected in
Yamdena ninushadow; reflection
Alune ninureflection
Buruese ninocast a shadow; look down
  nino-hovershadow; gaze into
  ninu-nshadow; reflection

Note:   Also Paiwan qailʸuŋan ‘glass, mirror; reflection, shadow’, Isneg aniníwiŋ ‘shadow, reflection. A child who looks at its shadow in the evening, becomes very thin’, Ilokano aniníwan ‘shade, shadow, image’, Atta alinu ‘shadow’, Toba Batak halinu ‘shadow; reflection’, Manggarai néneŋ ‘shadow, indistinct outline; invisible’, Paulohi nini ‘shadow’. Based on Tagalog aníno ‘shadow; reflection’, Toba Batak halinu ‘shadow; reflection’ Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *ali[n]u ‘shade, shadow, spirit’, but his comparison shows irregularities in both languages, and an etymon with this shape cannot be justified by any known evidence.

The problem that Dempwolff faced in dealing with this comparison was created by 1. a limited choice of languages from which to select cognates, and 2. the extreme variability of seemingly related forms meaning ‘shadow; reflection’, and often by extension ‘soul, spirit of a living being’ (for the identification of the soul with the shadow or reflection as a culture universal cf. Tylor (1958 [1871]:2:14ff). Since Formosan reflexes of *qaNiŋu and MP reflexes of *qaninu are complementary in terms of hierarchically ordered subgroups I have assumed that PMP *qaninu is a lineal continuation of PAn *qaniŋu with irregular change of the second nasal. Similarly, it would be possible to interpret POc *qanunu ‘shadow; reflection; soul’ as an irregularly altered form of PMP (and PCEMP) *qaninu, except that Palauan lechúl ‘scar; shadow’ appears to reflect *qanunu (with metathesis of the first two consonants), thus requiring the coexistence of PMP *qaninu and *qanunu as doublets.

27616

*qaNuaŋ large ruminant species: carabao, water buffalo (?)

4241

PAN     *qaNuaŋ large ruminant species: carabao, water buffalo (?)     [doublet: *qiNuaŋ]

Formosan
Pazeh núaŋbuffalo
Thao qnúːwandeer, carabao
Rukai (Tona) nwáŋəcow
Bunun qanvaŋcow; deer
Bunun (Takituduh) qanváŋdeer
  qanváŋ bonólbuffalo
Paiwan lʸuaŋcattle

4242

PMP     *qanuaŋ large ruminant species: carabao, water buffalo (?)

WMP
Atta nuáŋcarabao
Isneg nuāŋcarabao, water buffalo
Itawis nwaŋwater buffalo, carabao
Bontok nuwáŋwater buffalo, carabao
Kankanaey nuáŋcarabao, water buffalo
Ifugaw nuwáŋwater-buffalo. Rarely used to work in the rice field terraces among the Ifugaw, but raised to offer a sacrifice for the ancestors (never offered to the gods and spirits who want pigs)
Ilokano nuáŋcarabao, water buffalo
Tagalog an(u)wáŋcarabao
Hanunóo ʔanwáŋtamarau, timarau, a more or less straight-horned wild buffalo peculiar to the island of Mindoro: Bubalus mindorensis Heude
Aklanon ánwaŋcarabao, water buffalo
Tae' nuaŋbush antelope, an antelope with short horns: Anoa depressicornis
Buginese anuaŋrare large ruminant found in mountain areas: Anoa depressicornis
Makasarese anuaŋrare large ruminant found in mountain areas: Anoa depressicornis
Wolio nuakind of small, wild buffalo: Anoa depressicornis

Note:   Many reflexes of *qaNuaŋ have lost the first syllable with no apparent conditioning. In languages of the northern Philippines such foreshortening may have been favored by oxytonality in a polysyllable which came to be vowel-initial, but no rule can be stated. The referent of *qaNuaŋ is a matter of some interest. While this morpheme clearly referred to a large ruminant mammal, this leaves open several possibilities, including: 1. the larger variety of deer (Cervus equinus, or Cervus unicolor), which were widely hunted for their pelts in Taiwan at the time of European contact, 2. the carabao, or water buffalo, and 3. some other form of bovid.

The first of these choices is in some ways the least problematic, although 1) it cannot be justified by reflexes in both Formosan and WMP languages, and 2) PWMP *u(R)sa(h) must have meant ‘deer, Cervus spp.’, leaving PWMP *qanuaŋ with what presumably was some other meaning. If PAn *qaNuaŋ and PWMP *qanuaŋ had the same referent, then (and there is no reason to believe otherwise), it apparently was not ‘Cervus spp.’. It is noteworthy that reflexes of *qaNuaŋ refer to unique species of wild buffalo or antelope both in Mindoro (Bubalus mindorensis), and in Sulawesi (Anoa depressicornis). Neither referent can be original, however, since the species in question are geographically limited, and neither Mindoro nor Sulawesi is a likely Austronesian homeland. This leaves the carabao as a plausible referent of PAn *qaNuaŋ, with subsequent transfer of the term to various wild varieties of buffalo or buffalo-like animals. Since terms related to Malay kerbau, Tagalog kalabáw ‘carabao’ are widespread in mainland Southeast Asia, Indonesia and the Philippines, and appear to be loanwords both in Austronesian and in Austroasiatic languages (Headley 1976:467), it seems likely that the water buffalo was introduced into western Indonesia after the arrival of Austronesian speakers from the north. The Malay word kerbau then spread with the animal as far north as the central Philippines, but not further north (McFarland 1977:429).

What remains puzzling in all of this is the implication that the carabao was known to speakers of PAn (as *qaNuaŋ), and that the animal was preserved in Taiwan and the northern Philippines, but lost in areas further to the south. Where the carabao was lost the old name was reapplied to various wild bovids. Bellwood (1997 [1985]:219-22) notes that the Lower Yangtze cultures exemplified by, for example, the 7,000-year-old site of Hemudu in the northeastern portion of modern Zhejiang province, show several archaeological traits which make them prime candidates for a pre-PAn phase of the later Austronesian cultural expansion. Both the domestic pig and water buffalo were present in Lower Yangtze sites by 5,000 B.C., and it is possible that the water buffalo was transported to Taiwan (although no archaeological confirmation for either pig or water buffalo is yet available for the earliest agricultural levels in Taiwan). If so, it would make the apparent loss of the water buffalo at a later date further to the south even more puzzling.

27617

*qaNuNaŋ a tree: Cordia dichotoma

4243

PAN     *qaNuNaŋ a tree: Cordia dichotoma

Formosan
Tsou həhŋəa tree: Cordia sp.
Kanakanabu ʔunúnaŋə <Aa tree: Cordia sp.
Rukai (Mantauran) uɭuɭaŋə (<? <M<ACordia myxa, plant with small sticky fruits
WMP
Isneg anúnaŋa tree whose leaves are prepared for the reception of good spirits, at the time of a solemn sacrifice
  maŋan-anúnaŋthe time when this tree bears fruit
Hanunóo ʔanúnaŋtree sp.
Cebuano anúnaŋsmall tree with yellow-white fruit like a cherry: Cordia dichotoma. The fruit is mucilaginous, and is used for paste
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) enunaŋa tree, Cordia dichotoma, the leaves of which are used in decoction for bathing a new-born child and its mother. The gelatinous substance in the fruit is used for paste. In times of famine the young leaves are dipped in honey and eaten
Mansaka anonaŋkind of tree which bears a sticky fruit
Maranao nonaŋa tree: Cordia dichotoma
Malay nunaŋtree with fruit producing sticky sap used as gum
Minangkabau nunaŋtree with fruit producing a sticky sap used as gum
Sasak nunaŋtree sp.
Bolaang Mongondow onunaŋkind of tree which produces glue
CMP
Manggarai nunaŋa tree: Cordia dichotoma
Rembong nunaŋtree sp.: Cordia dichotoma and Cordia subcordata

Note:   Also Ilokano anónaŋ ‘custard apple: Annona reticulata’, Yakan lunaŋ ‘a tree: Cordia dichotoma’, Bare'e anona ‘slime on the skin of fish’. Tsuchida (1976:139) reconstructs ‘PHes’ *(qₐu-)NuNaŋ, basing the first vowel on unambiguous reflexes in Kanakanabu and the Mantauran dialect of Rukai. However, all WMP reflexes which preserve the penultimate vowel point instead to *a. Provisionally I assume that the Formosan reflexes with prepenultimate u are products of assimilation to the penultimate vowel. This tree evidently was valued for the viscous sap of its fruit.

27619

*qaNup to hunt wild game

4247

PAN     *qanup to hunt wild game

Formosan
Atayal qalupto hunt; chase away
Proto-Rukai *o-alopoto hunt
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Haluphunting ground
Paiwan qalʸupto hunt
WMP
Itbayaten anoppursue an animal
Isneg anúphunter: a dog that scents game or is trained to the chase
Itawis anúpto hunt game
Casiguran Dumagat anópfor a man to hunt alone with dogs
Bontok ʔanúphunt wild animals, as pig or deer; a hunter, of a dog (= hunting dog)
Kankanaey anúphound
Ifugaw anúpto hunt (e.g. in the communal forest)
Ifugaw (Batad) anúphunt wild animals with a dog; a hunting dog; to bark, of a dog
Ilokano anúphunter: a dog that scents game or is trained to the chase
Pangasinan anopto hunt with dogs
Kalamian Tagbanwa kanuphunt with dogs
Mamanwa anopto hunt
Dusun Malang k-anupto hunt
Proto-Sangiric *anupto hunt
Sangir anuʔthe hunt; spoils of the hunt

4248

PAN     *q<um>aNup to hunt, go hunting

Formosan
Atayal q-m-alupto hunt; chase away
Kanakanabu ʔ-um-a-ʔanúputo hunt
Saisiyat ʔ-oem-alopto hunt
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) H-em-a-Halupto hunt
Paiwan q-m-alʸupto hunt (wild game)
WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) -um-anupthat with which one hunts, i.e., a dog

4249

PAN     *qaNup-an hunting ground, hunting territory

Formosan
Atayal qlup-anto hunt
Tsou hup-ahunting territory
Bunun qanup-anhunting ground
Paiwan qa-qalʸup-anhunting territory

4250

PMP     *qanup-an hunting ground, hunting territory

WMP
Isneg anup-ānhunting ground
Ifugaw (Batad) anup-anthat hunted, i.e., a wild animal

4251

PAN     *qaNup-en what is hunted, wild game

Formosan
Atayal qlup-unbe hunted
Paiwan qa-qalʸup-enwild game (object of hunting)

4252

PMP     *qanup-en what is hunted, wild game

WMP
Itbayaten anop-enmake a dog (esp.) chase an animal or person
Ifugaw (Batad) anúp-onthat hunted, i.e., a wild animal

4253

PWMP     *maŋ-qanup to hunt

WMP
Itbayaten maŋ-anopto pursue animals (of dogs)
Isneg maŋ-anúpto hunt with dogs
Itawis maŋ-anupto hunt game
Kankanaey maŋ-anupto hound, to hunt, to course (with dogs)
Ifugaw maŋ-anupto hunt (e.g. in the communal forest)
Ilokano maŋ-anupto hunt with dogs
Paku ŋ-anupto hunt
Siang ŋ-anupto hunt
Sangir maŋ-anuʔto hunt wild pigs with spear and dogs

4254

PPh     *paŋ-qanup hunting dog

WMP
Isneg paŋ-anuphunter (dog)
Ifugaw (Batad) paŋ-anupthat used to hunt, i.e., a dog
Ata paŋ-anupto hunt with dogs

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak andop ‘what is hunted; pursue the hunt’, m-andop ‘to hunt (quadrupeds, birds, monkeys)’. The relationship between *-um and *maŋ- in this cognate set is of some interest. Although only the former can be reconstructed for PAn, both active verb affixes were present in PMP. However, in PMP *qanup the use of *-um- appears to have been largely or entirely supplanted by *maŋ- for the active verb. Although the PAn and PMP words can be reconstructed only in the meaning ‘to hunt wild game’, in a number of Philippine languages reflexes of *qaNup mean both ‘to hunt’ and ‘hunting dog’.

27710

*qañud drift on a current, carried away by flowing water

4412

PAN     *qañud drift on a current, carried away by flowing water

Formosan
Seediq qəlul-iʔbe adrift (Tsuchida 1976:168)
Saisiyat ʔaelorwash away
Saaroa m-u-alhusuadrift
Tsou ŋ-ohcuadrift
Rukai (Budai) mu-áɭuDuadrift
Paiwan qalʸudjto lose, throw away
  se-qalʸudjbe lost (object); die (person); be carried away by current
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) m-u-a-laHud <Mto flow (of water), be adrift
Amis ʔalolbe carried away by water so that it is no longer seen
WMP
Casiguran Dumagat anódfloat away, be swept away (by water or wind)
Bontok ʔánudbe swept away by a flow of water
Kankanaey ànudbe carried away, swept away (by the current)
Ilokano ànuddrift, float; be driven along, carried away (by a current of water)
Ifugaw ànudconcept of floating away, being taken away by the strong current of a river
Ifugaw (Batad) ānudto float inanimate objects downstream; to float downstream, of inanimate objects, of a dead person
Pangasinan anórto drift
Kapampangan añudcarried away on a current
Tagalog ánodflotsam; spread of water
Bikol ánodbob on the surface of the water
Hanunóo ʔánuddrifting with the current of a stream or river
Aklanon ánodfollow the current, drift
Hiligaynon ánuddrift, float with the current
Cebuano ánudfor the current to carry something off; things carried away by floodwater; a person who just drifted somewhere or into something
Mansaka anóddriftwood; be carried by the current (as in a river)
  ánoddragnet (for fishing)
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) anudof a stream or river, to wash something away
Maranao anoddrift; driftwood
  ano-anodadrift; defenseless; adrift awhile
Tiruray ʔanurto float something downstream by the force of the current
Tboli konulcarried by water
Kelabit anudcurrent, direction of flow
Kayan añunset afloat and drift; drifting
Kayan (Uma Juman) añurcurrent; send adrift on the current
Ngaju Dayak hañutbe carried away (by water); deep (of sleep)
Malay hañutadrift, moving with the current; unattached
  pukat hañutdriftnet
Acehnese hañòtfloat away, be carried away (by a current)
Old Javanese (h)añutthrow something into the river (sea) to let it be carried away by the current (tide), especially of the ashes after cremation; to perform the funeral rites for; plunge something into, throw into, let something go down into, let something be carried away
Madurese añoʔcarried away by the current
Uma anuʔdrift away (as on a river current)
CMP
Alune anuflow, stream

4413

PPh     *i-qañud adrift

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) i-ānudthat floated (downstream)
Ilokano y-ánudto float; to throw into a current of water
Bikol i-ánodget carried away by the current; drift, be adrift
Cebuano i-ánudbe carried off (e.g. by floodwater)

4414

PAN     *ma-qañud adrift

WMP
Kankanaey m-a-ʔacúnu <Madrift
Itawis m-ánudbe carried by current; to drown
Kankanaey ma-ánudbe carried away, swept away (by the current)
Ilokano ma-ánuddrift, float; be driven along, carried away (by a current of water)
Kapampangan m-añudcarried away on a current, adrift
Kayan (Uma Juman) m-añuradrift, drifting
Dairi-Pakpak Batak m-anunadrift, carried away on a current
Uma ma-anuʔdrift away (as on a river current)
CMP
Asilulu m-anuto float (in the current), as a bottle; to drift
Alune m-anuflow, stream; float away; carried off on a current
Kamarian manufloat, drift, be adrift
Paulohi manu-elet something go adrift (as a boat on water)
Buruese manodrift, flow, move downstream
  mano-kmanu-kgo downstream
  mano-nfloating, drifting

4415

POC     *maqañur floating, adrift

OC
Seimat mandrift, float on a current
  manu-wendrifted
Sa'a häu menupumice stone
Arosi manuto float in water or air, as pumice, the moon, frigate hawk
Chuukese maanbe becalmed, adrift; drift; soar (without flapping wings), glide; do a dance movement with outstretched arms
Puluwat maanto drift, as a becalmed canoe; dance with rotating hips
Woleaian maal(iu)drift, be adrift (as a canoe)
Rotuman mɔnuto float
Tongan maʔanube afloat, not to be resting on or touching the bottom; kind of jelly-fish (kolukalu) that stays at or near the top of the sea
Samoan mānucome to the surface, emerge (as a turtle)
Rennellese maʔanuto float, drift, soar; to leap, as in a dance
Maori mānufloat; be launched: so start, of an expedition by water; overflow; be flooded

4416

PAN     *pa-añud set adrift

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) pa-a-laHud <Mset adrift
WMP
Aklanon pa-ánodgo downstream; let drift
Cebuano pa-anúdallow oneself to go with the current, but with control; drift net which is left to float in the sea and catches fish by the gills
Kayan p-añunto set drifting (as a raft on the river)
OC
Rarotongan pa-anudrift, a drifting, leeway, floatage or flotsam, the floating capacity of a thing; anything that floats or drifts; to float or swim on liquid, be buoyed up, drift about aimlessly, float or drift away

4417

PPh     *paŋ-añud (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) paŋ-ānudway in which something drifts
Aklanon paŋ-ánodcloud
Cebuano paŋ-ánudcloud

4418

PWMP     *q<um>añud move on a current

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) um-ānudone who floats something downstream
Kelabit m-anudto flow, move on the current
Kayan m-añunmake to drift; drifted; to backslide; to run, of color in fabric

4419

PPh     *qañud-en adrift

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) ānud-onthat floated (downstream)
Hiligaynon anud-undrift, float with the current

4420

POC     *mañur mañur float, be adrift

OC
Seimat manu-mandrifting
Lau manu-manuto float
  fou manu-manupumice
Sa'a mänu(menu)to float
'Āre'āre manu-manuto float
  hau manu-manupumice stone
Rotuman mɔn-mɔnuto float

Note:   Also Puyuma (Tamalakaw) m-u-a-Hanun ‘to flow (of water in a small quantity)’, Ifugaw (Batad) annúy ‘float downstream, as of a person in play, or inanimate objects’, Banggai ma-anus ‘drift on a current’, maŋ-anus ‘set adrift on a current’. On the basis of apparent irregularities in some Formosan reflexes Tsuchida (1976:200-201) reconstructs a final palatal in this form, hence *qañu(zZ). However, the reconstruction of final *z or *Z is unparalleled, and runs counter to well-established constraints on the occurrence of final palatals other than *j (which may have been a palatalized velar rather than a true palatal) in PAn, PMP and PWMP morphemes generally. The discovery of Oceanic reflexes which preserve the final consonant could in principle resolve this issue: if such forms indicate POc *ma-qañus Tsuchida would be vindicated; if instead they point to POc *ma-qañur his proposal would be contradicted. To date no such Oceanic reflexes have been found. Pending some other explanation for the problems which Tsuchida noted, then, I follow Dempwolff (1934-38) in positing *-d.

27695

*qaŋab gape, open the mouth wide

4396

PMP     *qaŋab gape, open the mouth wide     [disjunct: *qaŋap]

WMP
Bontok ʔaŋabtake a bite out of something, as an apple; bite on; snap, of a dog
Kapampangan aŋabhave the mouth open, as a baby bird being fed by its parents, or a baby sucking at the breast
Maranao aŋabopenmouthed bewilderment
Minangkabau (h)aŋapgasp
OC
Sa'a aŋato open
  aŋa wawaopen the mouth to speak

27696

*qaŋap gape, open the mouth wide

4397

PMP     *qaŋap gape, open the mouth wide

WMP
Berawan (Long Terawan) aŋaʔwide open, of the mouth
Minangkabau (h)aŋapgasp
Old Javanese aŋapgaping
Javanese aŋapopen(ed) (of the mouth)
Tae' aŋaʔmouth (in the songs of curing rituals); seek, desire, long for
OC
Sa'a aŋato open
  aŋa wawaopen the mouth to speak

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak babaŋap ‘wide, large (used only of the opening of large pots and cannons)’, Ngaju Dayak raraŋap ‘gape wide (of the throats of crocodiles, pigs, large fish, or snakes)’, Banggai aŋat ‘open wide, as the mouth’, Lau āŋa ‘open the mouth wide’, Lau āŋa fafa ‘gape’. With root *-ŋap ‘open, of the mouth

27697

*qaŋeliC stench or burning substances

4398

PAN     *qaŋeliC stench or burning substances

Formosan
Paiwan qaŋelitsbe scorched (rice or millet)
WMP
Isneg aŋlítto smell of burning hair
Ilokano aŋlítbe afflicted with disease of the axilla or armpit. A peculiar odor (aŋlít) if diffused by the affected part of the body

Note:   Also Bontok aŋílit ‘have an unpleasant smell, of burning hair or feathers’, Kankanaey aŋílit ‘to smell of burning (when burning hair, etc.)’, Ifugaw aŋilít ‘odor produced by singeing the hair of a pig, or the unplucked feathers of a chicken after it has been killed in a sacrificial performance’. This item may be used to illustrate the striking word family of ‘stench’ words which contain the phonemic sequence *qaŋe-. Reconstructed members include PAn *qaŋeliC, *qaŋeSit, *qaŋeRiS, *qaŋeRu and *qaŋeseR, PWMP *qaŋesej, and PPh *qaŋesu and *qaŋetej.

In addition many forms which are not known to belong to wider cognate sets are found in individual languages or in two or three closely related languages. Some of these are cited in Blust (1988:60ff). Others include Casiguran Dumagat aŋset ‘to smell burnt (of the burning smell of rice which is being over-cooked in a kettle)’, Ifugaw aŋbáb ‘bad odor of urine (or what seems to smell like urine)’, Ifugaw aŋdúd ‘bad odor of a corpse sitting on the death-chair’, Ifugaw (Batad) aŋhub ‘to have underarm odor’, Bikol aŋrós ‘referring to the smell of burned rice’, Maranao anseŋ ‘malodorous’.

27698

*qaŋeRiS stench of fish

4399

PAN     *qaŋeRiS stench of fish

Formosan
Amis ʔaŋlisstrong smell of fish
WMP
Isneg aŋgíspread an offensive odor, said of the armpit
Kankanaey aŋgístink, smell bad; fetid, rank; stench, as of anything stale
Ilokano aŋrístench of fish, bats, etc.

Note:   Also Amis ʔaŋdis ‘strong smell of fish’.

27699

*qaŋeRu stench of spoiled or souring organic matter

4400

PAN     *qaŋeRu stench of spoiled or souring organic matter

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaŋRuodor of salted meat and vegetables in ferment
Paiwan qaŋeruodor of rotted crab
WMP
Pangasinan aŋlóodor or taste of sour milk or spoiled meat
Tagalog aŋgópeculiar odor of fermenting milk or like substances
Sundanese haŋrusmell strongly, as the flesh of some animals (e.g. tigers); body odor

27700

*qaŋesej sweaty armpits, stench of sweaty armpits

4401

PWMP     *qaŋesej sweaty armpits, stench of sweaty armpits

WMP
Bontok ʔaŋ-ʔaŋsə́gunderarm perspiration, the smell of underarm perspiration
Kankanaey aŋségto stink, smell bad, have a suffocating smell. For instance, the armpit
Ilokano aŋségstench of putrid urine
Ifugaw aŋhógsuppurating skin disease of the armpit, or the stench that it produces
Kapampangan aŋsadstench from the armpits
Bikol aŋsódunderarm odor
Aklanon áŋsodunderarm odor
Cebuano aŋsúdhaving body odor
Maranao ansedoffensive body odor
Toba Batak ansoksweat in the armpits

Note:   Also Bikol baŋsód ‘underarm odor’, Tiruray ansed ‘underarm perspiration odor’.

27701

*qaŋeseR stench of urine

4402

PAN     *qaŋeseR stench of urine     [disjunct: *qaŋ(e)cej 'stench of sweaty armpits']

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaŋseRstinking, of urine or fermented eggs
WMP
Ilokano aŋségstench (urine)
Ifugaw aŋhógsuppurating skin disease of the armpit, or the stench that it produces
Sundanese haŋsɨrodor of urine

27703

*qaŋesu stench (of urine?)

4404

PPh     *qaŋesu stench of urine

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat aŋsósmell of urine
Kankanaey aŋsóstink; smell bad (as cooked camote leaves)
Aklanon áŋso(h)having the smell of urine
  ka-áŋsothe smell of urine
Cebuano aŋsúsmelling of urine (as a toilet)
  ka-aŋsúfoulness
  aŋsúh-ansmall ash-grey shark that has an odor like urine
Mansaka asoodor of urine

27702

*qaŋeSit stench, musky odor of an animal

4403

PAN     *qaŋeSit stench, musky odor of an animal

Formosan
Amis ʔaŋsitthe stink of a skunk; the smell of certains kinds of plants
WMP
Tagalog aŋhítpeculiar odor issuing from goats and armpits
Bikol aŋhítreferring to the odor of a goat
  ma-aŋhíthave the odor of a goat
Aklanon áŋhitsmelly, having strong body odor (or an odor like the body odor; said of butter and some animals)
  ka-áŋhitbody odor
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaŋitgood/bad body odor
Cebuano aŋhítsmell bad like the body, rancid meat, milk, goats, cows; get to smell bad
  ka-aŋhítfoul smell
Mansaka aŋitoffensive odor (of armpit)
Ngaju Dayak ha-haŋitsmell of burnt rice, flesh, etc.
Banjarese haŋitburn up, become charcoal
Iban aŋitfresh or fragrant smell, cause to smell sweet, flavor
Malay haŋitfoul-smelling. Of the musty odor of dirty linen; the stench after the Krakatoa eruption; the smell of dung; the smell from armpits, etc.
Acehnese haŋétodor of perspiration
Sundanese haŋitstench of something burning or burnt
OC
Nggela aŋiemit a strong smell or scent, good or bad, usually bad

Note:   With diachronic ‘antonymy’ in Iban (Blust 1980b).

27705

*qaŋet anger

4406

PMP     *qaŋet anger

WMP
Tiruray ʔaŋetshort-tempered, easily angered
OC
Lau aŋo-aŋo rake, rake aŋo-aŋoanger (rake = 'stomach')

Note:   With root *-ŋeC ‘angry; gnash the teeth’.

27704

*qaŋetej stench (of burning hair?)

4405

PPh     *qaŋetej stench, as of burning hair

WMP
Bontok ʔaŋtə́ghave a strong smell, of the smell of urine or of the leaves of the sweet potato vine when cut up for pig food; have a strong taste, of the taste of half-cooked látoŋ (bean) leaves
Kankanaey aŋtégrancid. For instance, raw beans, raw cabbage, green chili pepper, butter, etc.
Ifugaw (Batad) aŋtógextremely unpleasant odor of decaying flesh, unwashed genitals, of smells worse than those referred to as munʔāgub or munʔagutūut
Bikol aŋtódreferring to the smell of something burning, usually skin, leather or hair
Aklanon áŋtodsmelling overcooked (said of food, esp. rice)
Hiligaynon ántudfetid, of odor, burnt
Cebuano aŋtúdhaving the smell of burnt hair, cloth, or flesh without fat; smell of burnt hair

27706

*qaŋiR fetid, foul-smelling

4407

PMP     *qaŋiR fetid, foul-smelling     [doublet: *qañir]

WMP
Toba Batak aŋirevil-smelling
Old Javanese haŋistink, smell
CMP
Manggarai aŋirrotten (of smell), rancid

Note:   Two observations suggest that this form may have been *qaŋ(e)liR: (1) An association of the meaning ‘repulsive odor’ with the phoneme sequence *(C)aŋ(e)CV(C) (where C = consonant) is widespread in Formosa, the Philippines, and Western Indonesia. (2) internal syllable reduction through shwa syncope and the simplification of heterorganic consonant clusters appears to have occurred in all three witnesses.

27709

*qaŋqaŋ barking of a dog

4410

PAN     *qaŋqaŋ barking of a dog

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaŋHaŋbarking of a dog
WMP
Kankanaey aŋáŋto call; to invite people from other towns to the bayás sacrifice; used only in tales
Tagalog aŋʔáŋstammering, stuttering
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaŋkaŋhowling cry of a dog when he has flushed a wild pig
Maranao aŋaŋcomplain
Kadazan aŋaŋgrowling, snarling
Ngaju Dayak (h)aŋaŋbarking of a dog
Kayan aŋaŋthe barking of dogs following an animal on scent

4411

PAN     *q<um>aŋqaŋ to bark, of a dog

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) H-em-aŋHaŋ(of a dog) to bark, as a dog which is kept on a leash or shut up in a room
WMP
Kadazan um-aŋaŋto growl, to snarl
Kayan m-aŋaŋto bark, of a dog
Ngaju Dayak m-aŋaŋto bark, of a dog

Note:   Also Paiwan q-m-alʸqalʸ ‘to bark (dog's staccato bark when he spots game)’, Manggarai ‘sound of a restive dog; growling, barking’. Given the detailed semantic agreement of the reflexes in Kalamian Tagbanwa, Kayan, and perhaps the Paiwan variant, and the existence of other etyma such as *quaŋ ‘howling or yelping of a dog’, it is possible that PAn *qaŋqaŋ referred specifically to the baying of a hunting dog on scenting or cornering prey.

27620

*qapaʔ empty husk (of rice, etc.)

4255

PMP     *qapaʔ empty husk (of rice, etc.)

WMP
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaap <Mhusk of rice
Manobo (Sarangani) apahusk of rice
Mansaka apachaff
Manobo (Dibabawon) apachaff of rice
Tausug apa payhusk of rice
Banjarese hampaempty
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) ampalacking contents, empty (as grains)
Iban ampaʔempty ears (of rice) (Scott 1956); worthless, empty; rubbish, husk, chaff (Richards 1981)
Malay hampaempty; void of contents; null; fruitless
  meŋaŋan padi membuaŋ hampawinnow rice so as to remove the empty husk
Sundanese hapaempty (rice kernel, etc.); sterile (of plants; less commonly of animals or humans)
Bare'e apaempty, without contents, of rice husks without grains
CMP
Buruese apa-nempty (grain) hull

4256

PWMP     *qapaʔ qapaʔ empty husk (of rice, etc.)

WMP
Dairi-Pakpak Batak apa-apaempty rice husk
Old Javanese hapa hapaempty ears (of rice)

Note:   Also Rejang apai ‘empty or unfilled ears of paddy or other cereals, Buli afa ‘chaff’. Although Buli afa could regularly reflect *qapa, Maan (1940) gives it as a loan from Tobelo. Since the latter is non-Austronesian, the resemblance of the Buli word to the other forms cited here may be due to chance.

27622

*qapeju gall, gall bladder, bile

4258

PAN     *qapeju gall, gall bladder, bile     [doublet: *qapejuq]

Formosan
Pazeh apuzugall bladder; bile
Paiwan qapedugall bladder; bile
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hapedugall bladder; bile
WMP
Itbayaten apdobile
Ibanag aggugall
Isneg apdóbile, gall
Itawis ádubile
Casiguran Dumagat ápdubile, bile duct, gall
Ifugaw apgúbile, bile-sac (omens are taken with e.g. the bile-sac of a chicken)
Yogad ádugall
Pangasinan apgóbile, gall
Tagalog apdóbile; gall; (fig.) bitterness
Bikol apdóbile, gall; gall bladder
Hanunóo ʔapdúbile, gall bladder
Cebuano apdúgall, bile; something bitter to endure
Manobo (Dibabawon) apodugall bladder
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) epezugall bladder
Maranao pedospleen; bitter
Tiruray fedewbile; feelings, of an intellectual sort as contrasted with ʔena (visceral feelings)
Kelabit pedʰuhgall, gall bladder
  naʔem pedʰuhidiotic, inconsiderate (lit. 'without gall')
Kenyah (Long Anap) petugall, gall bladder
Murik peru-ngall, gall bladder
  peru-ʔgall (used only in curses)
Narum petewgall, gall bladder
Melanau (Mukah) pedewgall, gall bladder
Ngaju Dayak perogall
Malagasy aférobile, gall, gall bladder; bitterness; costly
Iban empedugall bladder
Malay (h)empedugall
Karo Batak pegugall
  la erpegusaid of people: without substance, senseless, referring both to speech and to actions (lit. 'without gall')
Toba Batak pogugall
Nias awõchugall
Sundanese hamperugall
Old Javanese (h)amp(e)rugall
Javanese amperupancreas
Balinese amperugall, bile
Proto-Sangiric *pədugall, bile
Sangir pedugall; anger
Proto-Minahasan *apədubile, gall
Tontemboan aperugall
  t-um-eŋo in aperulook into the gall and liver of a pig in order to foresee the future
  raʔica niaperuansilly, stupid; someone who cannot grasp anything (lit. 'without gall')
Gorontalo polugall, gall bladder
Bolaang Mongondow opoyugall
Uma pojugall
Bare'e apojugall, gall bladder (an object of examination in animals used for divination)
Tae' paʔdugall
  taeʔ paʔdu-nnahe has no understanding, no judgment (lit. 'without gall')
Proto-South Sulawesi *pɨzzugall, bile
CMP
Komodo perugall, bile
Manggarai pesugall bladder, gall; in expressions: not thinking, oblivious to custom; arrogant
Ngadha pedugall
Li'o peyugall
Kédang peyu-nbile, gall
Kambera ka-pídugall that lies on the lobe of the liver (favorable sign in searching for omens)
Hawu eDugall
  peDubitter
Rotinese hedugall, bile; bitter
  maka-he-hedubitterish (as taste in mouth of sick person)
Leti erugall
Wetan eria term applied to various internal organs, especially the milt; it may also mean: bile
Soboyo n-oyu-ñgall, gall bladder

Note:   Also Saisiyat paeʔzoʔ ‘gall’, Proto-Rukai *pago ‘gall’, PTso *paʔ₁azu ‘gall bladder’ (Tsuchida 1976:224), Bontok akgó ‘gall bladder’, Ilokano apró ‘bile, gall’, Bintulu lepeDew ‘gall, gall bladder’, Malay lempedu ‘spleen, gall’, Simalur ampadu ‘gall, gall bladder’, Javanese rempelu ‘pancreas’, Bimanese folu ‘gall’. PAn *qapeju and its reflexes in other early proto-languages apparently referred both to the gall bladder and to its contents, although these are distinguished by modifiers in some attested languages (e.g. Iban aiʔ empedu ‘bile, gall’ = ‘liquid of the gall bladder’; Malay pundi-pundi (h)empedu ‘gall bladder’ = ‘sac of the gall’).

As is evident from several glosses cited here, the gall of various (mostly domesticated?) animals was widely used in augury, although specific details cannot be reconstructed. Most notably, a morphologically complex expression which juxtaposed a morpheme or sequence of morphemes meaning ‘without’ or ‘not having’ with the word for ‘gall’ was used in PMP to describe a person who lacked good judgement or a clear understanding of cultural expectations (cf. reflexes in Kelabit, Karo Batak, Tontemboan, Tae', and Manggarai). Unlike the case in European languages such as English, German, or French, where human gall typically is associated with emotions that are negative or out of control (anger, bitterness), reflexes of *qapeju in this expression (and in Tiruray fedew) are associated with positive character traits and/or social values.

At the same time the physical bitterness of gall has worked its way into the meanings of some reflexes, or into various expressions using a reflex of *qapeju which are cited in the sources consulted here (reflexes in Tagalog, Cebuano, Maranao, Malagasy, Sangir, Hawu and Rotinese, and such expressions as Malay pahit daripada hempedu ‘more bitter than gall’.

27621

*qapejuq gall, gall bladder, bile

4257

PWMP     *qapejuq gall, gall bladder, bile     [doublet: *qapeju]

WMP
Aklanon ápdoʔbile; bile duct (and/or) gall bladder
Miri fesuʔgall, gall bladder
Kiput pesewʔgall, gall bladder

27593

*qampelas tree or shrub with leaves used for sandpaper: Ficus sp.

4202

PWMP     *qampelas tree or shrub with leaves used for sandpaper: Ficus sp.

WMP
Isneg aplātFicus cumingii. Miq., Ficus odorata (Blanco) Merr., Ficus ulmifolia. Lam. Trees or shrubs with harsh leaves, that are used for scouring utensils
Bontok ʔapláskind of shrub with edible fruit. Its rough leaves are used for smoothing wooden utensils: Ficus ulmifolia Lam. (Morac.)'
Kankanaey appásFicus cumingii Miq., Ficus validicaudata Merr., and similar species. Shrubs with fig-shaped fruits and rough leaves; family Moraceae
Ngaju Dayak hampelasgeneric for trees and vines the dried leaves of which are very sharp and rough, and are so used by the Dayaks to sand or polish woodwork, knife handles, etc.
Malagasy ampalyshrub or tree the leaves of which are used as a substitute for sandpaper: Ficus soroceoides Baker
Malay (h)empelasa plant: Tetracera assa; its leaves are used as sandpaper; to sandpaper
Toba Batak ampolasleaves which are used for polishing; also an implement of iron and bamboo used for polishing
Sundanese (h)ampelastree with leaves used to sandpaper or to polish
Balinese amplastree with hard, rough leaves which are used like sand-paper to smooth down wood
Sasak amplasa plant with leaves used as sandpaper: Tetracera assa
Tae' ampallaʔFicus semicordata, a type of fig tree with rough leaves used for polishing
Proto-South Sulawesi *ampɨllastree sp.: Ficus politoria L. (the leaves of this tree can be used like sandpaper)
Makasarese ampallasaʔtree with broad leaves used to sand wood smooth: Ficus Ampelas

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak tampelas ‘generic for trees and vines the dried leaves of which are very sharp and rough, and are so used by the Dayaks to sand or polish woodwork, knife handles, etc.’, Malay mempelas ‘a plant: Tetracera assa’, Javanese rempelas ‘tree with rough-textured leaves; sandpaper’, Tontemboan awelas ‘Ficus politoria, Ficus semicordata, Ficus Riedelii, Ficus hispida, Ficus fistulosa’.

27623

*qapelas tree with leaves like sandpaper: Ficus spp.

4260

PMP     *qa(m)pelas tree with leaves like sandpaper: Ficus spp.

WMP
Isneg aplātFicus cumingii Miq., F. odorata (Blanco) Merr., F. ulmifolia Lam. Trees or shrubs with harsh leaves, that are used for scouring utensils.
Bontok ʔapláskind of shrub with edible fruit. Its rough leaves are used for smoothing wooden utensils: Ficus ulmufolia Lam. (Morac.)
Kankanaey appásFicus cumingii. Miq., F. validicaudata Merr., and similar species. Shrubs with fig-shaped fruits and rough leaves, family Moraceae
Ifugaw (Batad) aplahto sandpaper with a rough leaf of an aplah tree; a tree (Moraceae Ficus odorata Blanco Merr. or F. ulmifolia Lamk.) the leaves of which are used for sandpapering
Ngaju Dayak hampelasgeneric for trees and creepers with leaves that when dried are very sharp, coarse and tough, so that they are used by the Dayaks for sanding woodwork, darts, knife handles, etc.
Malagasy ampálya shrub or tree, the leaves of which are used as a substitute for sand-paper: Ficus soroceoides Baker
Banjarese hampalasa plant, Tetracera assa; the leaves are used as sandpaper
Iban randau empelascreeper with rough leaves used as sandpaper: Tetracera assa
Malay (h)empelasa plant, Tetracera assa; the leaves are used as sandpaper
Toba Batak ampolasleaves used to polish; also a bamboo and iron implement with which one polishes
Sasak amplasa plant the leaves of which are used as sandpaper: Tetracera assa
Bolaang Mongondow opoḷattree with leaves that can be used as sandpaper: Ficus politoria
Tae' ampallaʔFicus semicordata, a type of fig tree with rough leaves used for polishing or smoothing; the leaves are used to clean wooden bowls and plates, and to polish all kinds of wooden utensils
Proto-South Sulawesi *ampiɨllastree sp., Ficus politoria L. (the leaves of this tree can be used like sandpaper)
Makasarese ampallasaʔa tree the broad leaves of which are used to sand wood smooth: Ficus Ampelas
CMP
Manggarai pelasa tree; its rough leaves are used to sand surfaces, and its small fruit is eaten: Ficus wassa

4261

PWMP     *maŋ-qa(m)pelas to sandpaper, smooth by abrasion

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) maŋ-aplahto sandpaper with a rough leaf of an aplah tree
Malagasy man-ampàlypolish wood with the ampály leaves
Iban ŋ-empelasto polish, smooth something
Toba Batak maŋ-ampolasto polish, scrape smooth or clean

4262

PWMP     *q<um>a(m)pelas to sandpaper

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) um-aplahthat with which one sandpapers, i.e., a leaf of an aplah tree
Malay m-empelasa plant, Tetracera assa; to sandpaper

4263

PWMP     *qa(m)pelas-en be sandpapered, smoothed by abrasion

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) aplah-onbe sandpapered with a rough leaf
Malagasy ampalèsinabe smoothed with the ampály leaves

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak tampelas ‘generic for trees and creepers with leaves that when dried are very sharp, coarse and tough, so that they are used by the Dayaks for sanding woodwork, darts, knife handles, etc.’, Javanese rempelas ‘a certain tree having rough-textured leaves; sandpaper’, Sangir belasseʔ ‘tree sp.’, Tontemboan awelas ‘Ficus politoria’, Bolaang Mongondow poḷat, poat ‘tree with leaves that can be used as sandpaper’: Ficus politoria’, Rembong pelan ‘a tree: Ficus sp.’, Wetan apla ‘tree whose leaves are used as torch-wicks’. Ngaju Dayak hampelas exhibits the borrowed (Banjarese) reflex of *q-, but the native reflex of *e (Dyen 1956:85); I assume that it is a Banjarese loan which took place prior to the change of *e to Banjarese /a/. Since all three languages which reflect an initial consonant have merged PMP *q- and *h-, the initial consonant of *qapelas evidently is ambiguous. Tagalog haplás ‘rubbing application of liniment’ and similar forms in other Philippine languages are assumed to be distinct.

30271

*qapiC tongs, anything used to hold things together by pinching

7173

PAN     *qapiC tongs, anything used to hold things together by pinching

Formosan
Saisiyat ʔæ-ʔæpistongs

7199

PMP     *qapit tongs, anything used to hold things together by pinching

WMP
Agutaynen kapitclothespins
  kapit-enput a clothespin on something
Ngaju Dayak hapitpinched, pressed; long pieces of split bamboo, etc. that are used to fasten together the thatch of walls and roofs from both sides
Iban apitsqueeze, press (as a hand caught in a closing door)
Malay hapitpressure between two disconnected surfaces, as in a printing press; torture by pressure
Karo Batak apitclip
  meŋ-apitpinch, clip, squeeze
  peŋ-apitbamboo tongs
Simalungun Batak apitpinched, squeezed
Old Javanese (h)apitenclosed, squeezed, pressed
Sasak apitsqueezed in; squeeze in, as the attendants flanking the groom at a wedding
  apit baŋkethe middle child, if the eldest and youngest are already deceased
CMP
Bimanese apinarrow; pinch, squeeze; bamboo, etc. which is interwoven horizontally in a fence
OC
Tongan ʔefihold or carry under the arm
  ʔefi-hipush or squeeze in between two things which are already close together; hold, grip or pick up between two things

Note:   With root *-piC, disambiguated from earlier *-pit by the Saisiyat form. Kavalan ipit ‘tongs’ (now assigned to *qipit) may also belong here, but given the large number of morphemes in which this root appears multiple interpretations of cognate assignment are often possible.

27624

*qapid braid, twine

4264

PAN     *qapid braid, twine

Formosan
Bunun ma-qapito braid (of hair)
  q-in-apibraided (of hair)
Paiwan qapizsomething braided in six strands (as jewelry)
WMP
Bontok ʔapídplait, braid (as the hair)
Kankanaey apídplait, form into tresses, braid
Ifugaw apídbraid, entwine, interlace; applicable to anything that can be or is braided, such as ropes, strings, threads, mats, women's hair
Ifugaw (Batad) apidbraid with three strands, as of a rope, hair
Aklanon apídjoin, attach, enclose
Bolaang Mongondow moyog-apidvery close together (as two trees)

Note:   With root *-pid ‘braid, twine together’. It is tempting to treat this material as falling into two distinct cognate sets, one meaning ‘braid, twine’ and the other ‘twin’. Amis ʔapi ‘twin’ suggests a probable connection between the two meanings.

27626

*qapucuk peak of a mountain

4266

PAN     *qapucuk peak of a mountain     [doublet: *pucek]

Formosan
Amis ʔapocokthe very top of a mountain
WMP
Bisaya (Limbang) pusukpeak, summit
Iban pucokpoint or top, esp. of trees
Malay pucokshoot; top branchlet; leaf-bud
Toba Batak pusukpoint, treetop, peak, summit
Old Javanese pucuktop, highest or foremost point, beginning or end
Javanese pucukpoint, tip; beginning
Balinese pucuktip, point, top
Sasak pusuktop, point
Bare'e puncutop, peak (of a mountain or other lofty place
  puncu buyumountain peak
Makasarese pucuʔtop of a tree, tip of the tongue
Buginese pucuʔvegetation; tip of a sprouting plant
Muna pusutop, tip

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak pamucok (used only after the words mantir or kapala) ‘the highest; chief, leader’, Ngaju Dayak tampusok ‘peak; end of a fishnet’, Buginese pucuʔ ‘vegetation; high point, as of growing vegetation’, Makasarese (Turatea) pussu pussu ‘peak of a banana tree or bamboo with sharp point’. Based on proposed cognates in Tagalog, Toba Batak, Javanese, Malay, and Ngaju Dayak Dempwolff (1934-38) proposed *pucuk ‘peak’. Tagalog pusók ‘ardor, impetuousity’, appears to support Dempwolff's reconstruction of a disyllabic base, but is of questionable cognation. Finally, Bare'e sometimes preserves prepenultimate *a which came to be initial (e.g. *qapeju > apoju ‘gall’), and sometimes loses it (e.g. *qateluR > toyu ‘egg’).

27627

*qapuR lime, calcium

4267

PAN     *qapuR lime, calcium     [doublet: *kapuR]

Formosan
Bunun apullime (Nihira 1983)
Kanakanabu ʔapúrulime
Amis ʔapolwhite; lime paste made from burnt white stone soaked in water that becomes powder
WMP
Itbayaten ápuglime
  in-apúx-ānchew, consisting of three parts: a section of betel nut, a piece of a betel leaf and a sprinkling of lime. When it is offered to the spirits, the lime may be wanting, but it is still called by the same name
Yogad afuglime
Itawis áfuglime for betel chew
Casiguran Dumagat apógslaked lime (part of the betel nut mixture)
Kankanaey ápuglime, limestone
Ifugaw ápullime, lime-powder to be sprinkled over a betel pepper leaf enveloping a betel nut slice
Ifugaw (Batad) āpuladd lime to areca palm nut; lime made from snails (successive layers of reeds and shells are stacked and thoroughly burned; the shells are then pounded in water, yielding lime)
Ilokano ápuglime
Sambal (Botolan) apoylime
Kapampangan apiʔlime (calcium oxide); used in making cement, and as a component of the betel chew
Kankanaey man-apiʔsaid of rice when the grains have spoiled and become white like lime (Bergaño 1860)
Tagalog ápoglime
Bikol apóglime (mineral)
Hanunóo ʔápugslaked lime, usually made by burning piles of clamlike shells; used principally in chewing betel, and for its reportedly medicinal properties
Aklanon ápogpowdered lime (used in chewing betel nuts); to put lime (into)
Cebuano ápuglime made from burnt seashells; make lime
Mansaka apoglime (for betel nut chew)
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) apuglime
Maranao apoglime
Kadazan t-apuchalk, lime
Kenyah apolime; sago flour
Murik apolime used with betel chew
Kayan apohslaked lime
Lawangan apoilime
Simalur axullime, calcium
Old Javanese (h)apūlime
  ma-hapūwith (having) lime
Balinese apuhlime, chalk (for betel)
Sasak apurlime, mortar, plaster
Proto-Sangiric *apuRlime
Sangir apuʔlime made from burnt coral limestone
Proto-Minahasan *apuhlime
Tontemboan apulime, calcium
  ma-aputurn to lime, turn to powder
Muna ghefilime
Palauan ʔáuslime for betel nut
Chamorro afoklime, birdlime, limestone (soft), quicklime
CMP
Bimanese afuchalk, lime
  afu mama kailime used in betel chew
Komodo apochalk
Rembong apoʔlime, calcium
Ngadha apopoorer grade, grainy chalk or lime
Sika apurlime, calcium
Hawu aolime, calcium
Tetun ahulime, calcium
  tunu ahucook or make lime
  huu ahu(to blow lime) an animist practice for putting people to sleep, who do not wish to be clairvoyant (possibly hypnosis)
Lamaholot apulime, calcium
Kédang apurlime
Leti ārulime, calcium
Kisar aurulime, calcium
Selaru aurlime, calcium
Yamdena yafurlime, calcium
Fordata yafurlime, calcium; very white, of the flesh of the sago palm
Kei yafurlime, calcium
  yafur avlādchalk
  yafur wātsmall calabash, Lagenaria idolatrica, used as a lime container with the betel chew
  enawun yafurburn lime
Watubela kafullime
Proto-Ambon *apurlime, chalk
Kayeli ahulelime, chalk
Buruese apulime
SHWNG
Buli yafilime, calcium
Numfor aferlime, calcium
Dusner aperlime
OC
Wuvulu afulime in lime gourd (cp. kakaweʔi 'lime not in lime gourd')
Likum ahlime
Kuruti ahlime
Lou kɔplime, lime gourd
Nauna kɨhlime
Penchal kɨplime
Lenkau koplime
Gitua avulime (calcium oxide)
Manam aulime
Numbami awilalime (for betelnut)
Motu ahulime (quick or slack)
Mbula koucoral/lime
Lakalai la-havulime for chewing with areca nut, made from clam shell
Nggela avulime holder; slaked lime
Lau safulime, used in magic; smear with lime
  safu-safunative tobacco (first obtained from Savo Island)
Kwaio fou-lafuwhite powdery stone
  lafu-lafu-awhite surface, glistening white
  laful-iasprinkle with lime in ritual
'Āre'āre sahua lime, used in magic, on which incantations are done and put over the doorway outside on the ridgepole or blown around in the house; used as a protection for the house, the inhabitants and the belongings, against evil spirits, and sickness
  suru sahuput or blow the lime over the doorway, etc.
Sa'a sähulime, lime gourd; magic lime put over doorway outside on the ridge-pole with an incantation, a charm to protect the house and its belongings; used in black magic
Arosi ahubranching coral
Bauro ahulime

4268

PWMP     *maŋ-qapuR make lime by burning shells

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat meŋ-apogmake lime out of shells
Old Javanese maŋ-hapūmake lime
Sangir maŋ-apuʔuse lime in the betel chew; burn lime
Palauan meŋ-áussprinkle lime on

4269

PPh     *maR-qapuR prepare betel chew with lime

WMP
Isneg max-ápugprepare betel for chewing
Casiguran Dumagat meg-apogput lime in one's mouth (to add to the betel nut chew)
Cebuano mag-ápugmake lime for betel chewing
Tontemboan ma-apuadd lime to the betel chew

4270

PWMP     *paŋ-qapuR-an lime container

WMP
Itawis paŋ-apúx-ānreceptacle for lime
Sasak peŋ-apo-nlime pot in the betel kit
Tontemboan peŋ-apu-anlime case; also the name of the gourd formerly used to make lime cases

4271

PWMP     *paR-qapuR-an lime container

WMP
Isneg ag-apúx-anreceptacle for lime. It may be a small box made of wood or the horn of a carabao, a small glass bottle, a deer horn or the fruit of the limbokbókaw tree, but it usually consists in the shell of a small bottle gourd
Ilokano pag-apúg-ankind of very small báŋa or earthenware jar used by chewers of betel nut for holding lime; any receptacle for lime
[Tiruray fag-aful-anthe lime container in a brass betel box]
Javanese p-apo-ncontainer for slaked lime

4272

PWMP     *qapuR-an lime container

WMP
Ifugaw pun-apúl-anlime-tube
Hanunóo ʔapug-ángeneral term for a lime container, whether of bamboo, shell, wood, a crab claw, or other material
Aklanon apog-ánlime box, case used for storing lime powder
Old Javanese aponlime (constituent of betel quid)

Note:   Also Tsou (Tsuchida) hapuru ‘lime’, Favorlang abo ‘lime’, Paiwan qavu ‘betel lime’, Paiwan q-m-avu ‘apply whitewash’, Paiwan apu ‘betelnut quid’, Paiwan m-apu ‘chew betelnut’, Maranao apor ‘lime’, Puyuma (Tamalakaw) -apuR ‘chew betel nut with lime’, Samal apog ‘betel chew (literary)’, Simalur aul ‘lime, calcium’, Sundanese apu ‘prepared lime; wall mortar, betel lime’, Old Javanese apuh ‘lime’, Buruese ahul ‘lime’, Buruese apo ‘lime’, Seimat wap ‘lime’, Mbula kou ‘lime powder (made by heating up pieces of coral)’, ko-kou ‘be white’, Lau rafu ‘smear with lime or powdered rock, limestone or soapstone; lime the hair; white, from lying in ashes; white from immersion in the sea, encrusted with salt’, Lau fou rafu ‘limestone rock for whitening’, Kwaio safu ‘important divination using lime; magic, using lime, to protect from sorcery and foreign objects’.

PAn *qapuR and its descendant forms are one of the key elements in the linguistic evidence for the betel culture which accompanied Austronesian speakers as they spread from island Southeast Asia into the western Pacific. Betel-chewing spread as far as the Southeastern Solomons, but either never reached Vanuatu and points further south and east, or was replaced in those areas by the later, innovative consumption of kava (Piper methisticum), which evidently had its origin in Vanuatu (Crowley 1990).

Scattered references in a number of the sources clearly indicate that lime was made by the burning of mollusc shells or coral limestone, and in the earlier phases of Austronesian expansion was carried on the person in a small gourd container (later replaced in island Southeast Asia by the brass betel box). Lime may also have been used as a whitewash (oblique references in Amis and Kwaio), and by at least PCEMP times, if not earlier, lime powder evidently was blown as a ritual gesture of some type (references in Tetun and 'Āre'āre).

The comparisons of lime to sago flesh in two widely separated languages (Kenyah and Fordata) are interesting, but difficult to interpret without more context. Tiruray fag-aful-an (for anticipated **ferafuran, from *paR-qapuR-an) is assumed to be a loan from a still unidentified source, but problems remain even with this interpretation (*R > /g/ in the prefix, but *R > /l/ in the stem). It is possible that the reconstruction of *paR-qapuR-an, a form that appears to have been entirely synonymous with *paŋ-qapuR-an, is simply misguided. Finally, Chamorro Hu naʔye afok i maiʔes ‘I put lime on the corn’ and Wetan air-i ‘lime, put lime on’ appear to reflect two stages in the history of the suffix *-i ‘local transitive’, the first while it still remains a generic preposition marking location in space or time, and the second after it has become a transitive verb suffix with locative overtones.

27708

*qa(m)pus come to an end, be destroyed

4409

PMP     *qa(m)pus come to an end, be destroyed

WMP
Bikol apóscigarette butt
Maranao apostired, exhausted
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) apusright through, throughout
Iban apuscomplete, finish, end
Malay hapusexpunging, wiping off; effacing
  m-ampusto die (vulgar); be wiped out; of animals dying
Toba Batak apuswiped out, obliterated
Simalungun Batak apusbrushing over, sweeping
Sundanese apuseasily go out, extinguished (fire)
Mandar apuswipe off, erase
CMP
Manggarai ampusexterminate, destroy, wipe out (as a house by fire, chickens by some cause, etc.)

Note:   Also Itbayaten aʔpos ‘idea of wearing out/down’. With root *-pus₁ ‘end, finish’.

27628

*qaqay foot/leg

4273

PAN     *qaqay foot/leg     [doublet: *waqay]

Formosan
Seediq (Truku) qaqaifoot (especially of humans)
Saisiyat ʔæʔæyleg and foot (human)
WMP
Itbayaten ayifoot, leg, paw
Bolinao aːyifoot, leg
Kalamian Tagbanwa kakayfoot
Palawan Batak ʔaʔayfoot, leg (Reid 1971)
Bintulu aifoot
Moken kakayleg, foot
Nias ahefoot, fruit stalk (of palms)
Enggano e-aefoot
Proto-Minahasan *aʔefoot, leg
Banggai aifoot, leg
Wolio aeleg, foot, paw, lower course (of a river), river-mouth
Muna ghagheleg, foot, mouth (of a river)
CMP
Tetun ai-nleg, foot
Kisar eileg, foot
Ujir aileg, foot
Elat ai-nleg, foot
Hitu aileg, foot
SHWNG
Waropen efoot
Ansus aefoot
Serui-Laut aefoot
Windesi aefoot

4274

POC     *qaqe leg, foot

OC
Seimat aeleg, foot
Lusi aheleg, foot
Gitua ageleg, foot
Dobuan ʔae-naleg, foot
Numbami aeleg, foot
Yapese qaayhis leg/foot

Note:   Also Palawan Batak aʔáʔi ‘leg’ (Warren 1959), Maranao aʔi ‘foot, leg’, Malay (kaki ‘foot; leg; base’, Biga kae ‘leg, foot’, Windesi ai ‘foot’, Manam ai ‘foot’, Gitua age ‘leg, foot’, Tolai kāki(-na) ‘leg, bone’, Cheke Holo gahe ‘foot, leg’, Bugotu nae-ña ‘foot, leg’, Lau ʔae ‘foot, leg’.

Many words which may reflect *qaqay are ambiguous for *qaqay or *waqay. The loss of *q and contraction of the resulting sequence of like vowels in this form led to a canonically atypical monosyllabic content word /ay/ in some languages. In response to canonical pressure this sequence was resyllabified as /ai/, or even /ayi/. Where the final diphthong had been monophthongized to -/e/ prior to loss of *q such pressures were inapplicable.

It is noteworthy that although a single term appears to have been used for both ‘foot’ and ‘leg’ in PAn, PMP and PWMP, such parts of the leg as the shin (*lulud), calf (*bitiqis) and thigh (*paqa) were terminologically distinguished by at least PWMP times, and reflexes of the latter two have often replaced reflexes of *qaqay in the meaning ‘foot, leg’.

27633

*qari-maquŋ wild feline

4281

PWMP     *qari-maquŋ wild feline

WMP
Kankanaey alimaoŋcivet, civet cat
Samihim rimaʔuŋleopard
Ngaju Dayak harimauŋleopard
Ma'anyan harimauŋleopard
Jarai remoŋtiger

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak haramauŋ ‘leopard’. Dempwolff (1934-38) assigned Ngaju Dayak harimauŋ to *harimaw (Tagalog halimaw ‘ferocious beast’, Toba Batak arimo ‘leopard’, Malay harimau ‘tiger’). The historical relationship between these items is unclear, but the distribution of the latter forms is likely to be due to borrowing from Malay.

27635

*qari-ñuan a small bee: Apis indica

4283

PMP     *qari-ñuan a small bee: Apis indica     [doublet: *qani-Ruan]

WMP
Ilokano arinuánkind of tame bee
Kelabit b-erenuankind of small bee
Ngaju Dayak bitik ñuankind of small gray ant
Iban (re)ñuankind of small bee, often kept under eaves in hives (tikoŋ of hollowed logs; honey is good, but inferior to that of the large wild mañiʔ
Singhi Land Dayak ñowanhouse bee
Toba Batak harinuanlarge wild bee (< *kari-ñuan)

Note:   Also Simalur aniwan ‘wild bee’, Malay (Jakarta) ñaruan ‘bee or hornet’, Sasak keñeruh, keñeruhan ‘bee’. It would be attractive to unit (a) and (b) under a single etymon, relating forms such as Ilokano arinuán and Malay neruan through metathesis. Since the known reflexes of (a) are both more common and more widely attested than those of (b) (being found in WMP and CMP languages), *qani-Ruan is perhaps the preferred shape of such an invariant prototype. But under this interpretation we must recognize at least three independent metatheses (Ilokano, the Bornean forms, Toba Batak), of which the second followed the sporadic palatalization of *n before *i.

An invariant prototype *qari-ñuan not only exacerbates this problem, but cannot account for the stem-initial g of various Philippine reflexes. This difficulty might be alleviated by positing *qaRi-ñuan, but among other obstacles to such an interpretation independent evidence for a prefix *qaRi- is unknown. On balance, then, the reconstruction of doublets with complementary affixation, although not without its problems, appears preferable to an invariant prototype. Sundanese ñiruan could be a metathesis of (b).

27634

*qarita the putty nut: Parinarium laurinum

4282

POC     *qarita the putty nut: Parinarium laurinum     [doublet: *qatita]

OC
Bipi alikthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Lindrou alisthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Sori ahiʔthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Leipon yeritthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Titan alitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Ere aritthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Nali n-alitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Loniu eitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Pak ehirthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Penchal alitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
  elt-ito caulk
Lou keritthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Nauna alitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Mussau aritathe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum

27629

*qaRama crab sp. (?)

4275

PWMP     *qaRama crab sp.

WMP
Isneg axamākind of small crab
Bontok ʔagmacrab
Ilokano agámalarge white crabs breeding in reefs
Pangasinan alamásmall crabs
Casiguran Dumagat agimaocean crab
Old Javanese haramaedible marine creature

27630

*qaRaw snatch, take away by force, rob

4276

PAN     *qaRaw snatch, take away by force, rob

Formosan
Kavalan m-iRawto rob
  iRaw-anbe seized by, taken by force
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) H-em-a-HaRawtake by force, snatch away
  m-a-HaRa-HaRawto fight for (as for the ground)
  HaRaw-isnatch it!
WMP
Casiguran Dumagat agewgrab, snatch, steal, run off with someone's spouse for a long time or indefinite period
Kapampangan ayawscramble for something; rob in such a manner (Bergaño 1860)
Tagalog ágawsudden snatching away; deprivation (of property or the like); interposition in conversation (used in narratives)
  agaw-ánsnatching (things) away from each other; competition
Bikol mag-ágawto snatch
  maki-ágawjostled, scramble for, push your way ahead
Hanunóo ʔágawgrasping, grabbing at (something)
  mag-mag-ʔar-agáw-angrab at (plural,intensive)
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalawsnatch away
Aklanon ágawgrab, take, seize, snatch, get (without being one's due)
  pa-ágawthrow things for others to catch
  ae-agaw-ánmake a scramble for (in order to take or get)
Hiligaynon mag-ágawgrab, seize, take by force, usurp
Cebuano ágawtake something away from someone (as a toy from a child)
  agáw-anfond of snatching
  babáyi-ŋ agaw-ag bánaa woman that is a husband-snatcher
Mansaka agawtake that which belongs to another (wife, land, etc.)
Binukid agawgrab, seize, snatch, take (something) away from (someone)
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) aɣewseize; grab; illegally take possession of
Maranao agawvie; go toward; seek protection; snatch away
Subanen/Subanun gagawto snatch
Kelabit arosnatching'; se-ng-aro 'fight over something
Proto-Sangiric *aRawrob, snatch away
Sangir ahostolen goods, booty, loot
Bolaang Mongondow moko-agowable to, or dare to rob or to take by force
  o-agow-anwhat is usually taken in robbery: booty, loot

4277

PWMP     *maŋ-qaRaw snatch, take away by force

WMP
Bikol maŋ-ágawgo around snatching things
Kelabit ŋ-aroto snatch
Sangir maŋ-ahotake away from someone, rob
Bolaang Mongondow moŋ-agowrob, abduct, take away by force

4278

PPh     *qaRaw-en be snatched away, taken away by force

WMP
Ilokano agáw-ensnatch away, off; carry off, take away by violence; obtain by robbing
Bikol agáw-onbe snatched
Hanunóo ʔagáw-unbe grabbed at, be snatched
Hiligaynon agáw-unbe grabbed, seized, taken by force

Note:   Also Paiwan qaraw-an ‘covet; covetousness’. The basic sense of *qaRaw appears to have been ‘to take by force’. It implicitly assumes the concept of personal ownership, and is concerned with acts that violate the proprietary rights of the individual with regard either to material property or to a spouse. As such it probably referred to robbery as opposed to theft (*Cakaw). In reciprocal constructions such as those cited for Puyuma and Kelabit the meaning carries less a sense of illegitimate seizure than that of rightful possession by the stronger of two competitors.

27631

*qaRaʔ a tree: Ficus spp.

4279

PMP     *qaRaʔ a tree: Ficus spp.

WMP
Iban araʔparasite fig
Dairi-Pakpak Batak arageneric for banyans: Ficus benjamina and F. retusa
Old Javanese (h)araa particular kind of tree (of the ficus family)
Balinese ahafig
Sasak arakind of fig tree
Sangir ahakind of wild fig tree
Bolaang Mongondow agaa tree of no particular use
CMP
Komodo arafig tree
Manggarai aravarious trees, Ficus spp.
Ngadha arakind of fig or banyan tree
Sika ʔarafig tree
Buruese aha-ta tree

Note:   Also Sangir ara ‘fig tree’. Part of this comparison was first noted by Verheijen (1967-70) who, however, proposed no reconstruction. In addition to the forms cited here, he mentions Sundanese ara which does not appear in the sources available to me.

27632

*qaRem pangolin, scaly anteater

4280

PAN     *qaRem pangolin, scaly anteater

Formosan
Atayal qompangolin, anteater
Seediq ʔaruŋpangolin, anteater
Saisiyat ʔælʸəmpangolin, anteater
Pazeh axempangolin, anteater
Thao qalhumpangolin, scaly anteater: Manis pentadactyla
Bunun qalumpangolin, anteater
  ʔarəməpangolin, anteater
Kavalan irempangolin, anteater
Amis ʔalemanteater with long tongue: Manis tricupis
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaRempangolin, anteater
Paiwan qampangolin, anteater
  q-in-am-anpangolin's hole or den
WMP
Kenyah (Long Anap) aampangolin, anteater
Kiput arempangolin, anteater
Berawan (Long Jegan) akempangolin, anteater
Berawan (Batu Belah) ampangolin, anteater
Melanau (Mukah) aampangolin, anteater
Katingan ahempangolin, anteater
Ma'anyan ayempangolin, anteater'

Note:   Also Kanakanabu kani-arúm-ai ‘pangolin, anteater’ (Tsuchida 1976:171), Paiwan (Western) qale-qalem-an ‘pangolin, anteater’, Kayan hem ‘pangolin, anteater’.

Tsuchida (1976:318) posits ‘PHES’ doublets, *qaRem, qaRum, but almost all of the supporting evidence for the latter variant is ambiguous for *e or *u.

Two species of scaly anteater or pangolin are found in island Southeast Asia: 1. the Manis pentadactyla, and 2. the Manis javanica Desmarest. The former is confined to Taiwan, while the latter has a fairly wide distribution including the island of Palawan and the adjacent Kalamian and Cuyo Islands in the Philippines, the Greater Sunda Islands of Indonesia, including Borneo, Sumatra and Java, and portions of the Southeast Asian mainland (Taylor 1934).

Since the islands where the more southerly species is found all rest on the submerged Sunda Shelf, and since this is not true of any other Philippine islands, it is likely that the Manis javanica acquired its attested distribution at a time when the Greater Sunda Islands of Indonesia and the Palawan group of the Philippines were joined with the Asian mainland. PAn *qaRem presumably referred to the Manis pentadactyla, but since its reflexes refer to both species we are faced with a puzzle: how did the name for ‘pangolin’ survive when Austronesian speakers moved south into parts of the Philippines where pangolins were not found? There are several possibilities:

(1) some form of pangolin formerly was found in Luzon,
(2) both Borneo and Taiwan were independently settled from some other area or areas where the pangolin was found,
(3) Austronesian speakers moved south rapidly enough to encounter the new species of pangolin before they had lost their recollection of the Manis pentadactyla, and hence were able to transfer the old name to the new species.

The first of these hypotheses apparently is not supported by any known fossil evidence. The second is contradicted by the evidence of linguistic subgrouping, which suggests an Austronesian expansion southward from Taiwan through the Philippines into Indonesia. This leaves only the third hypothesis as a plausible alternative: the appearance of cognate names referring to a geographically discontinuous genus probably results from a fairly rapid expansion of Austronesian speakers from the northern Philippines into western Indonesia. For information relating to the distribution of the genus Manis in Southeast Asia I am indebted to Ray Ziegler, mammalogist at the Bernice P. Bishop Museum, with whom I discussed this problem in 1972.

30224

*qaReNu a plant, Phragmites spp.

7082

PAN     *qaReNu a plant, Phragmites spp.

Formosan
Atayal (Mayrinax) qaglua plant: Phragmites longivalis
Amis ʔardoswamp grass, used in making things
WMP
Hanunóo ʔaynua plant: Phragmites australis (Madulid 2001)

Note:   Also Atayal (Squliq) qolu, Seediq (Truku) glu ‘a plant: Phragmites longivalis’. The Formosan part of this comparison was first noted by Li (1994).

27636

*qaRsam fern sp.

4284

PMP     *qaRsam fern sp.

WMP
Mansaka agsamkind of vine
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) adsam <Ablack vine used in ornamenting woven baskets
Iban resama fern: Gleichenia sp.
Malay resamforest fern, of which some parts are like whalebone, and make Malay pens: Gleichenia linearis
Acehnese rɨsamfern sp.
Dairi-Pakpak Batak arsamkind of upright fern
Karo Batak resamtough fern which grows on the high plateau
Toba Batak arsamfern sp.
Minangkabau ra(n)sama fern: Gleichenia linearis
Proto-Sangiric *Rəsamfern sp.
Sangir hesaŋuseful type of moss that grows to a height of over two feet. The light-green young plants resemble small fir trees, with cylindrical stalks filled with hairs or soft spines. The plant later loses its pyramidal form and comes to resemble the flatter mosses. It grows in close association with Imperata cylindrica wherever there is enough moisture. Also called hesaŋ lumuʔ in contradistinction with hesaŋ or hesaŋ eseʔ; the latter belongs with the ginto, and is a climbing fern, much used for wicker chairs, etc.

4285

POC     *qasam fern used for tying and binding

OC
Lakalai la-haraplant used for wrapping of coiled basket: Lygodium circinnatum
Mono-Alu asamaa creeper species; to use asama
Roviana asamaa trailing fern much used for lashing canoes, etc.: Lygodium trifurcatum Baker
Nggela ahaspecies of creeper used for string, smaller than lape
Lau sataspecies of climbing fern, used for tying canoes
Kwaio latavine used in making canoes
Sa'a sataa climbing fern, very strong, used for tying
'Āre'āre rataa very strong liana, used especially to sew canoe planks
Fijian cacaa fern: Acrostichum aureum, Pteridaceae
Tanga aːsemthe Lygodium creeper; a circlet of this creeper was placed around a widow's ankle and called pan-ta:m-en-bo 'leaf-which makes taboo-the eating of-pig'; a belt of the vine, worn by women; a double bow was made at the hip and within each loop of the bow a bundle of scented leaves was placed, and the two loops were pulled tight

Note:   Also Tiruray ansam ‘edible fern: Helminthostachy zeylanica (Linn. Hook’, Karo Batak ersam ‘tough fern which grows on the high plateau’.

27637

*qaRsem sourness, acidity

4286

PAN     *qaRsem sourness, acidity     [doublet: *qalesem, *qasem]

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaRsemsour
WMP
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalsemsour
Palawan Batak ʔagsemsour (Reid 1971)

4287

PWMP     *ma-qaRsem sour, acid

WMP
Aborlan Tagbanwa ma-agsemsour
Chamorro ma-ʔaksomsour, acid, acidulous, tart

27638

*qaRta outsiders, alien people

4288

PMP     *qaRta outsiders, alien people

WMP
Isneg agtáNegrito
Arta artaself designation used by a group of Negritos in Quirino Province, Northern Luzon (Reid 1989:47)
Casiguran Dumagat ágtaa Negrito person; what the Dumagat people refer to themselves as; term for any dark-skinned person with kinky hair; to speak in the Dumagat language
Ifugaw altápygmies of the Philippines, called Negritos by the Spaniards
Kapampangan aytaNegrito (Garvan 1964:9)
Tagalog agtáshort black people, Negritos
Samal ataslave
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) atapeople in general
Simalur ataperson, human being
Nias (Southern) ataperson, human being; ancestor
Proto-Minahasan *ataslave
Tondano ataslave
Tontemboan ataslave
  ma-atamake a slave of someone, treat as a slave
  meŋ-atapossess slaves
Gorontalo watoslave, servant
Bolaang Mongondow ataslave; often used to mean 'servant' in contrast with more prominent people
  kog-atapossess slaves
  toŋg-ata-anmake a slave of someone
  ata naathis slave, this servant = I
Banggai ataslave
  maŋ-ata-ipossess or obtain slaves
Buginese ataslave
Makasarese ataslave, servant, subject of a ruler; still present in polite expressions
  ata-ntayour servant (used by women or children toward persons deserving respect)
Muna ghataslave
Palauan ʔadman; person; human being; living being; someone; somebody; anyone; anybody
  ʔeda-lperson of
CMP
Bimanese adaslave, servant; I
Komodo ataperson, people; who, which
Manggarai ataperson, human being; male, masculine; inhabitants, people, race; other people, foreigners, ghosts, spirits
Rembong ataperson, human being; relative pronoun
  anak atachild (of someone else)
Ngadha ataperson, human image; enemy; someone
  ata dzarahorse rider
  ata vaiperson who goes on foot
Li'o ataperson, people
Sika ʔataperson, human being
Lamboya atapeople, person
Lamaholot ataperson
Kédang ata diʔenpeople
  ata-nman, person
Erai atahuman being; this word is used in certain cases only: ata mate 'corpse, ghost', and ata laik eha 'stranger'
Kambera ataservant, slave
Rotinese ataslave; also used to call a serf who is not a slave, and as a humilific form of the first person singular pronoun when addressing a prince
Tetun ataslave, servant; shepherd, herdsman
  bibi atagoatkeeper
  kuda atagroom
  toʔos atagardener or farmer
Leti ataslave
Wetan ataslave, servant
Selaru at, ata-reslave
Proto-Ambon *ataslave
Kamarian ataslave
Asilulu ataslave (archaic)

Note:   Also Bikol agtáʔ ‘Negrito, Aeta, Philippine aborigine’, Aklanon ágtaʔ ‘Negrito, Ate (aborigine of Panay); black, very dark skinned’, Aklanon áti(h) ‘Negritos (living in the mountains), Cebuano ágtaʔ ‘supernatural man of dark complexion and extraordinary size, said to inhabit trees, cliffs, or empty houses. He is said to play practical jokes on people, kidnap them. He has a large cigar in his mouth; name occasionally given to Negritos’, Maranao agtaʔ ‘witch, black demon; black’, aita ‘Negrito, mountain people with kinky hair and small stature’, Maranao ateʔ ‘person who is dark brown to black’, Simalur hata ‘person, human being’, Kisar ake ‘slave’.

Grace (1972) suggests that Canala (New Caledonia) ka ‘enemy, one to be killed and eaten’ may be connected, but this would be the only known reflex of *qaRta in an Oceanic language, and in view of the phonemic brevity of the form I do not see how convergence can safely be excluded as an explanation of the observed similarity. Reid (1989:51), Reid (n.d.) posits *qaRtaq, a form which is supported by several Central Philippine witnesses as noted above, but which is in conflict with the absence of a final consonant in at least Tagalog, Sama-Bajaw, Proto-Minahasan, Bolaang Mongondow, Palauan, and Rembong. Since the latter languages form a rather diverse collection, it is simpler to hypothesize an irregular change in one Central Philippine language which diffused to surrounding speech communities rather than an irregular loss of *-q on as many as six historically independent occasions.

Finally, the arguments presented in Blust (1972) for assigning a meaning ‘outsiders, alien people’ to this form now appear stronger than ever. Based on ‘occurrences of unique alleles’ Bellwood (1997 [1985]) notes that the Negritos of Luzon and Mindanao probably have been separated for over 10,000 years. The distribution of phenotypically similar Negrito populations in the interior of the Malay Peninsula and in the Andaman Islands suggests that a Negrito population was widespread in island Southeast Asia when phenotypically southern Mongoloid Austronesian-speaking populations began to arrive in the region. Blust (1981) argues for cultural contact and borrowing of animistic beliefs between indigenous Negrito and incoming Austronesian -speaking groups by about 3,000 B.C.

Most recently Reid (1987) has argued persuasively that incoming agricultural Austronesians must have encountered an established Negrito hunter-gatherer population in the Philippines which over the course of time assimilated linguistically to the new arrivals. Under such conditions it is not difficult to see how *qaRta would have been applied by Austronesian speakers to the Negrito population of the Philippines, and ultimately adopted as a self-designation by some of these same groups. In other areas the term came to be applied to outsiders taken in war whose social position was that of ‘slave’ (someone with no claims to filiation with lineages of the dominant group). More puzzling are the semantic innovations which caused *qaRta to replace PMP *tau in the meaning ‘person, human being’.

27639

*qaRuas young growth stage of mullet

4289

PMP     *qaRuas young growth stage of mullet

WMP
Ilokano aguásedible fresh-water fish; it is very similar to the puroŋ, but its scales are smaller
Casiguran Dumagat agwaskind of ocean fish
Tagalog agwásmullet (when still spawning)
Chamorro agwasbaby mullet: Neomyxus chaptalii
OC
Seimat aularge mullet (3-4 feet in length)
Dubea kavamullet
Gilbertese auamullet
Tongan ʔauamullet sp.
Tokelauan auasilvery mullet: Neomyxus chaptalii
Woleaian yaiuw(a)kind of fish: Neomyxus chaptalii, etc.

Note:   Also Kapingamarangi huoua ‘young mullet’. Zorc (1979) gives PCPH *agwas ‘(fish) Mugilidae’.

27640

*qaRuhu a shore tree: Casuarina equisetifolia

4290

PMP     *qaRuhu a shore tree: Casuarina equisetifolia     [disjunct: *aRuhu]

WMP
Ilokano aroófilao, beefwood, Casuarina equisetifolia Forst. A leafless, dioecious tree with oblong cones; roots and bark are used for medicinal purposes: their infusion, when drunk at regular intervals, is supposed to cure bad humors, especially in women suffering from diseases of the womb
Tagalog agúhoa tree: Casuarina equisetifolia
Minangkabau (h)arua tree: Casuarina equisetifolia
SHWNG
Numfor yāra tree: Casuarina equisetifolia
Windesi yarua tree: Casuarina equisetifolia

27641

*qaRus current, flow

4291

PMP     *qaRus current, flow

WMP
Itbayaten ayos-anbrook
Babuyan ayoscurrent
Ilokano árusto drift; to drive, to carry (as currents do)
Tagalog ágosflow of liquid, or direction of current
Cebuano águsooze, flow out slowly (as pus from a wound)
Binukid agusfor poison, etc. to spread through (a body of water)
Maranao agosoutlet of pond or lake
Melanau (Mukah) auscurrent of air, as from someone blowing through a tube
Ngaju Dayak asohdownward flow of a river
Banjarese haruscurrent
Iban aruscurrent (in stream)
Malay haruscurrent (in sea or river)
Simalur aluspulling, dragging (said of rivers)
  alus-alusname of a river on the south coast of the island of Simalur
Nias houcurrent (in the sea)
  ho-houcurrent (in a river)
  mo-ho-hourun, stampede (of a crowd of people)
Lampung haxuscurrent (of river)
Old Javanese hosexerting oneself, (moving) with difficulty, going heavily, heavy (heart, breathing)
Javanese os-oslet something escape through an opening (as the air from a tire)
Balinese ahusan air-current, draught
Sasak aruscurrent in the sea
Mandar aruscurrent
Buginese aruʔweep hard
Makasarese arusuʔcurrent, flow; gulf stream
SHWNG
Kowiai laruscurrent
OC
Motu arucurrent of river or sea; to flow, to rush, of a crowd
Mailu aru-aito drift
  aru-aruto flow
Tubetube kalus-icurrent (in the sea)
Chuukese éwú-(in compounds only) current, flow (of water)
  éwút-current (at sea), eddy
Mota arcurrents in the sea between Mota and Gaua
  ar gauacarries to Gaua
Fijian yaucarry, bring
Tongan ʔaucurrent, stream; (of pus) to ooze out, flow (but blood is said to tafe); (of a boil, etc.) to give out pus
Samoan auflow on, roll on; continue; current; stream; carry (in the hand)
  au-aucurrent
  au-ŋaflow; succession
Tuvaluan ausea current
Anuta auocean current
Kapingamarangi aucurrent
Nukuoro authe generic term for the major types of currents in the open sea
Rarotongan aua current, as of a river or of the ocean; the wake of a boat or ship
Maori aucurrent, wake of a canoe; rapid; whirlpool
Hawaiian aucurrent; movement, eddy, tide, motion; to move, drift, float, walk, hurry, stir; succession or train, as of thought

4292

PWMP     *taqi qaRus driftwood and scum lit. 'refuse of the current'

WMP
Malay tahi harusdriftwood and scum in a tideway
Makasarese tai arusuʔkind of black, slippery and shiny seaweed from which whips or armrings are made

Note:   Also Isneg áyus ‘to flow, to stream, to run’, Kankanaey áyus ‘to flow; to pour; to run; to stream; to gush; to trickle’, Kapampangan águs ‘current’, Melanau (Mukah) arus ‘flow of water’, Kambera arihu ‘current’, Niue āu ‘current’. Reduplicated reflexes of *qaRus occur in several widely separated languages, but since these have no known common referent I treat them as convergent innovations.

PMP *qaRus clearly meant ‘current’ (either of rivers or the sea), but also appears to have functioned verbally in the meaning ‘to flow’. Agreements in widely separated reflexes suggest that in its verbal sense *qaRus referred to a viscous, slow, heavy movement, probably in contrast to a rushing flow of liquid (PMP *deRes). Thus both Cebuano águs and Tongan ʔau refer to the oozing of pus (the latter in explicit contrast to the flowing of blood), and Nias mo-ho-hou and Motu aru refer to the slowly flowing movement of crowds of people. Given these agreements the argument that Old Javanese hos ‘exerting oneself, (moving) with difficulty, going heavily, heavy (heart, breathing)’ belongs with this set is significantly enhanced.

27642

*qasak stuff or press in, be squeezed in

4293

PWMP     *qasak stuff or press in, be squeezed in     [doublet: *hasek₂]

WMP
Ilokano asákpass between, wriggle through; make one's way through grasses, between objects or persons, etc.
  ma-asákbe passable, transitable
Alas asakstuff or press in
Karo Batak asakjostle, crowd out
Dairi-Pakpak Batak asakfill a gun, stuff or cram something in; press against
Angkola-Mandailing Batak asak-asakiron used to clean gun barrel
Simalungun Batak asakstuff, pack in
Malay (h)asakstuffing; insertion by force or pressure
Wolio asak-ipress, suppress (desires)

27643

*qasawa spouse: husband, wife

4294

PMP     *qasawa spouse: husband, wife

WMP
Ibanag atáwaspouse
Isneg atáwahusband, wife
Itawis atáwaspouse: husband, wife
  m-átawahusband and wife
  maki-atáwato marry, said of girls
Casiguran Dumagat asáwaspouse: husband, wife
Bontok ʔasáwamarry; spouse
Kankanaey asáwahusband, bridegroom, spouse, wife, bride; mate, counterpart, pendant, fellow, equal, like, match
Ilokano asáwahusband, wife; pendant, one of a pair, match, companion piece, counterpart
  maki-asáwato marry, wed, said of women
Ifugaw aháwahusband or wife
Pangasinan asawáspouse; marry
Sambal (Botolan) aháwaspouse
Kapampangan asáwaspouse; (metaphor) one of a pair; like mortar and pestle
Tagalog asáwaespouse
Hanunóo ʔasáwaspouse, i.e. husband or wife
Aklanon asáwaspouse: husband, wife; married (said of a woman)
Hiligaynon asáwawife
Palawan Batak ʔasáwaspouse: husband or wife
Kalamian Tagbanwa kasawaspouse
Cebuano asáwawife; happen to get for a wife, can marry
Mansaka asawawife
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) esawaspouse
Bonggi saaspouse
Kadazan savohusband, wife; better half
Bisaya (Limbang) saowife
Bisaya (Bukit) sawowife
Kelabit awa-nspouse
Tring awahspouse
Kiput safahwife
Miri abahwife
Bintulu sabawife
Melanau (Mukah) sawaspouse
  sawa layhusband
  sawa mahewwife
Kayan hawa-spouse
  hawaʔmarriage, a wedding
Tunjung saga-nwife
Ngaju Dayak sawaewife; marriage (from the man's perspective)
Kapuas sawa-wife
Muna soawife
Chamorro asaguaspouse, husband, wife, mate
CMP
Rotinese saomarry; spouse: husband, wife
Leti sospouse
Moa sawaspouse
Selaru sawa-spouse
Yamdena sawespouse
  sawa-nhis or her spouse
Ujir saspouse
Dobel yakwaspouse
Masiwang sawa-nspouse
SHWNG
Kowiai soaspouse
Numfor swaspouse
Windesi sawahusband (or 'man'?; cf. Anceaux 1961:29)
OC
Seimat axoa-spouse
Wuvulu ako-spouse
Aua aro-spouse
Lou asoa-husband
Lenkau asoa-husband
Kove aroaspouse
Lusi arawaspouse
Gitua azuaspouse; husband, wife
Numbami asowaspouse
Mukawa kawaspouse
Gapapaiwa kawaspouse
Ubir awaspouse
Motu adava-husband, wife
  adava-iamarry
Mekeo akafa-spouse
Roro atawa-spouse
Raga ahoa-husband
Paamese asoo-spouse
Southeast Ambrym asou-spouse

4295

PWMP     *maŋ-qasawa marry, wed

WMP
Isneg maŋ-atáwato marry, said of boys
Itawis maŋ-atáwaget married
Bontok maŋ-asáwato marry
Kapampangan maŋ-asáwa(old) arrange marriage, (new) have sexual intercourse
Ilokano maŋ-asáwato marry, wed, said of men
Ifugaw maŋ-aháwato marry actually
Pangasinan maŋ-asawáto marry
Mansaka maŋ-asawato marry
Kayan ŋe-hawaʔmarry, wed

4296

PWMP     *maR-qasawa marry; have a spouse

WMP
Isneg max-atáwato marry, said of both sexes
  max-atáwa-dathey are husband and wife
Kapampangan mi-asáwabe married
Aklanon mag-asawábe husband and wife, be married
Hiligaynon mag-asáwatake a wife, marry
Mansaka mag-asawacouple; husband and wife; family
[Malay ber-isteri(of a man of rank) to be married]
[Toba Batak mar-jolmahave a wife]

4297

PMP     *pa-qasawa marry off, cause to get married

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat p-asawamarried couple
Cebuano pa-asáwabe married off to
Kadazan pa-pa-savogive in marriage; make or let marry (of boy)
Melanau (Mukah) pe-sawamarriage
Kayan pe-hawaʔto marry; being married; already married
Ngaju Dayak pa-sawato marry off, as a father marrying off his son
CMP
Yamdena fa-sawwedding; carrying out of a wedding
Watubela fa-khato wed, marry

4298

PPh     *paŋ-qasawa (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Casiguran Dumagat peŋ-asawaan engaged person
[Kapampangan paŋ-asáwa-nrape someone]
Cebuano paŋ-asáwafor men to get married

4299

PPh     *tala-qasawa married couple

WMP
Kapampangan tala-asáwaa married person
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) tele-ʔesawaman and wife; married couple

4300

PWMP     *q<in>asawa was married to

WMP
Bontok ʔin-ʔasáwamarry one another (reciprocal)
Melanau (Mukah) s-en-awato have been married to

4301

PPh     *qasawa-en be married, person married

WMP
Bontok ʔasaw-ənmarry
Ifugaw (Batad) ahāwaʔonthe person whom one marries, spouse
Hiligaynon asáwa-untake a wife, marry

Note:   Also Isneg asáwa ‘husband, wife’, mag-asáwa ‘to marry’, Taboyan sauʔ ‘wife’, Singhi Land Dayak sowe-n ‘wife’, Leti ‘marry’, Bonfia sowe-n ‘spouse’, Sekar isawa- ‘spouse’, Tarpia tawa ‘husband’, Lakalai harua- ‘husband’, Wogeo yawa- ‘spouse’, Manam roa ‘husband, wife’, Tongan hoa ‘mate, partner, fellow, other member of a pair, counterpart; husband or wife’, Samoan āvā ‘wife’. Most Oceanic reflexes of *qasawa show an assimilation of *-aw- to -/o/- in this form. However, given the retention of the original three vowels in the Central District languages of southeastern New Guinea (e.g. Motu, Mekeo, Roro) it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that this assimilatory change took place independently in a number of widely separated languages.

27644

*qaseb smoke

4302

PAN     *qaseb smoke     [doublet: *qasep]

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hasevsmoky
  Hasv-ansmoke
WMP
Acehnese asabsmoke, soot, steam
Javanese asebsmoke; steam

Note:   Also Berawan (Long Terawan) cam ‘smoke’, Bintulu sab ‘smoke’.

27648

*qaseŋ breath

4307

PWMP     *qaseŋ breath

WMP
Ba'amang mana-hanséŋbreathe
Tunjung asaŋheart
  ŋ-asaŋbreathe
Ngaju Dayak aseŋbreath
  palakuan aseŋ panjaŋask for a long breath (life)
Kapuas na-haséŋbreathe
Malagasy aínalife, animal life, strength
  mi-aìnalive, have life; respire, breathe
Simalur aseŋbreath
  um-aseŋbreathe
  um-aseŋ-aseŋbreath violently, pant, puff, gasp
  aseŋ-aseŋcane for the air supply in a bellows
  aseŋ-aseŋ banolit. 'breath of the land') prince
Balinese aŋseŋbreathe
  aŋseŋ-anbreath, breathing; hot blast of air
Proto-Minahasan *aseŋbreath; to breathe
Tondano aseŋbreath; to breathe
Tontemboan aseŋbreath
  ma-aseŋbreathe; take a break, take a breather
  ni-aseŋ-anplace where one has taken a break

Note:   Also Melanau (Mukah) naseŋ ‘heart; emotions’, Banggai asaaŋ ‘breath’, Paulohi aseh ‘breathe’. Ba'amang, Kapuas /h/ normally derives from *R, and only rarely reflects *q; its presence in the forms cited here remains somewhat problematic.

27647

*qasep smoke

4305

PWMP     *qasep smoke     [doublet: *qaseb]    [disjunct: *asep]

WMP
Ilokano asépincense, perfume
Sundanese haseupsmoke, steam, soot
Old Javanese asepincense
  p-asep-anincense-burner
Balinese asepsmoke, give off smoke; the smoke of sacrifice, incense; thick smoke
  asep meñanthe smoke of incense

4306

PWMP     *qasep-an (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Ilokano asp-ánto incense, to perfume
Sundanese haseup-anfunnel-shaped basket of plaited bamboo in which rice is steamed over a water-filled earthen pot; steaming basket

27646

*qasepa astringent

4304

PAN     *qasepa astringent     [disjunct: *sapela]

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Haspaastringent, puckery (the taste of green bananas, the kernel of areca nut, persimmon, etc.)
WMP
Iban sepastale, kept too long
Malay sepainsipid, tasting "woody", of tubers
Old Javanese sepainsipid, tasteless, weak
Javanese sepainsipid, tasteless

Note:   For an alternative assignment of Malay sepa see Blust (1982), where this item is compared with Cebuano sapla ‘slightly bitter in taste with an astringent effect, as unripe bananas’, and the two assigned to *sapela.

27652

*qasi respect, venerate

4329

PWMP     *qasi₁ respect, venerate

WMP
Banjarese asiobedient, devoted to
Malagasy (Provincial) ásyrespect, veneration
  mi-àsyshow respect, honor
Makasarese asitreat someone with respect and awe
Palauan ʔat-to praise

27649

*qasiN saltiness, salty taste

4308

PAN     *qasiN saltiness, salty taste

Formosan
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hasilsalty
WMP
Itbayaten asinsalt (solid), table salt
Ilokano asínsalt
  pag-asin-ánsaltcellar
Isneg asínsalt
  na-asínsalted, salty
  aŋ-asin-ānsalt container (bamboo tube, small calabash, or diminutive jar)
Itawis asínsalt
  n-ásinsalty
  n-asin-ansalted
  mat-ásineat only rice balls dipped in salt
Casiguran Dumagat asensalt; salty
  meg-asÉnmake salt by boiling ocean water
Bontok ʔasínsalt; hot mineral springs, also the crystal deposits formed around the springs; add salt to something; sprinkle yeast on cooked rice in the making of rice beer
Kankanaey asínsalt
Ifugaw ahínsalt
Ifugaw (Batad) ahínsalt; to salt food
Yogad asinsalt
Pangasinan asínsalt
Kapampangan asínsalt; (metaphor) brains, cleverness
  ay-asin-anunintentionlly salted
Tagalog asínsalt
  in-asn-ánsalted
Bikol asínslt
Hanunóo ʔasínsalt
  ʔasín bilúghard, rocklike salt made by boiling down sea water leached through ashes
  ʔasín síraʔgranular salt, evaporated from sea water; a rarity among the Hanuno'o
Aklanon asínsalt; to salt, put salt into
Hiligaynon asínsalt
Palawan Batak ʔasínsalt
Kalamian Tagbanwa kasinsalt
Cebuano asínsalt
Mansaka asinsalt
Maranao asinsalt
Kelabit ainsweetness, sweet taste
Berawan (Long Terawan) asinsalty, sweet
Malay asinsalt; salted
Nias asisea, saltwater
  maŋ-asi-omake salt from sea water
Old Javanese (h)asinsalt, salty
Javanese asinsalty to the taste; prepared by a salting process
  k-asin-enexcessively salty
Madurese accensalted
Sasak asinsalty, brackish
Proto-Sangiric *asinsalt
Sangir asiŋsalt
  ni-asiŋ-aŋsalted
Proto-Minahasan *asinsalt
Tondano asinsalt
Tontemboan asinsalt; brackish to the taste
  asin tinuʔunsalt obtained by boiling sea water
Gorontalo watiŋosalt
Totoli asinsalt

4309

PMP     *ma-qasin salty

WMP
Itbayaten ma-asinsalty
Pangasinan ma-asín(very) salty
Hiligaynon ma-asínsalty
Kelabit m-ainsweet
Miri masainsweet, salty
Melanau (Mukah) masinsalty
Rhade msinsalty
Malay m-asinbrackish; salt; briny
  ayer masinsea-water
  tanah yaŋ masin"sour" soil; land that will not bear
Javanese m-asintreat foods by a salting process
Tontemboan m(a)-asinbe or become salty; to salt
Chamorro ma-ʔasensalty, saline, briny, brackish
  ma-ʔasn-esalted

4310

PCEMP     *maqasin salty, brackish

CMP
Lamboya mahisalt
Kambera mehisalt
  tana mehisaly-laden earth (usually by river mouths)
Rotinese masibrackish, salty
  masi-ksalt
Atoni masisalt
Tetun masinsalt
  masin fatukrock salt
  masin midarsugar
Erai masi(n)salt; saltish, briny
Dobel masinsalt
Tifu masisaltwater
Buruese masisea, brine; soup, sauce; marine, salty
  masi-nsea
SHWNG
Numfor masensalt; saltwater, sea
OC
Mussau masinisalty
Gedaged massea, ocean, sea water, saltwater; salt
Varisi masisea
Rotuman masisalt
Tongan mahisour to the taste, or astrigent
Samoan māi(of water) be salty, bitter

4311

PWMP     *maŋ-qasin to salt, put salt on something

WMP
Itbayaten maŋ-asinto make salt
Casiguran Dumagat maŋ-asÉnto salt food
Ifugaw (Batad) maŋ-ahínthe one who salts
Nias maŋ-asito salt, pickle
[Sundanese ŋ-asinlick salty ground (animals)]
  [ŋ-asin ŋ-asinpack foods in salt; pickle]
Javanese ŋ-asintreat foods by a salting process; to salt foods
Sangir maŋ-asiŋto salt
Tontemboan maŋ-asinmake salt by evaporating sea water

4312

PWMP     *paŋ-qasin anything used for salting, salting instrument

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) paŋ-ahínwhat is used to salt something
Kelabit peŋ-ainsweetener

4313

PPh     *paŋ-qasin-an place where salt is found; salt beds

WMP
Ifugaw paŋ-ahin-ánsite where salt can be collected; water pool containing much salt
Cebuano paŋ-asin-ansalt beds

4314

PWMP     *q<in>asin what has been salted; food preserved in salt

WMP
Bontok ʔ<in>asínsalted pig meat
Cebuano in-asínfood preserved in salt

4315

PWMP     *qasin-an place salted

WMP
Ifugaw (Batad) ahin-anthat salted
Kapampangan asin-anto salt something
Bikol asin-ánsalt shaker
Mansaka asin-anput salt in
Maranao asin-ansalt bed, salt factory
Bahasa Indonesia asin-anvegetables (fruits, etc.) that have been salted
Javanese asin-ansalted foods
Madurese accen-ansaltier; something that has been salted

4316

PWMP     *qasin-en be salted

WMP
Itbayaten asin-ento put salt
Bikol asin-ónto salt
Cebuano asin-únto salt something
Javanese k-asin-enexcessively salty

4317

PWMP     *qasin-i put salt on

WMP
Aklanon asin-isalt it! (imperative)
[Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-asin-isalt something, put salt on]
Chamorro asn-epickle, apply salt

4318

PWMP     *qasin qasin various creeping herbs

WMP
Isneg asín orraʔcreeping herb with white flowers that grows in tobacco fields; its leaves and its small, green fruits are edible
Hanunóo ʔasín asíntype of vine: Procris frutescens Blm?
Malay asin asingeneric name for Euphorbiaceae of the genera Sauropus, Phylanthus and Breynia

Note:   Also Kadazan mimaŋ osin ‘become brackish or salty’, Sundanese asin ‘salty, brackish’; cai asin ‘saltwater, sea water’, Lauje mo-osiŋ ‘salty’, Hawu meŋehi ‘salt’, Buli payasiŋ ‘salty, brackish’. Although *qasin qasin probably referred to creeping herbs of the genus Euphorbia, various other reduplicated forms of *qasin such as Cebuano asín ásin ‘rice or corn cooked to a mushy consistency’, Nias asi-ʔasi ‘salty, brackish’ and Old Javanese asin asin ‘salted meat or fish’ appear to be historically unconnected, and are best treated as convergent innovations.

27650

*qasiq pity, compassion, affection, love, sympathy, forgiveness

4319

PMP     *qasiq pity, compassion, affection, love, sympathy, forgiveness

WMP
Itbayaten asitake compassion for, take pity on
  paka-asi-si-andifficulty, poverty
Bontok ʔásipity, sympathy, mercy
  kakka-ʔásievoking pity; pitiful; pathetic; sorry
Ilokano ásiwoe to
  na-ásicharitable, compassionate
Kadazan asi-an-anhave compassion for, have pity on
Ngaju Dayak asifavor, mercy, pardon; take pity on; charitable, kindly; kindness
  ha-asi-asioften pitying, always pitying, etc.
Kayan asiassistance, help; compassion, sympathy, mercy; pardon, forgiveness
  asi-asian expression of sympathy: sorry for you
Kenyah aséʔhave pity on
Melanau (Mukah) asiʔpity, mercy
Toba Batak asicompassionate, merciful
  debata asi-asia female deity
  maŋ-asi-iexpress compassion toward someone, pardon
Dairi-Pakpak Batak asihpity, compassion, mercy
Sundanese asihto love, cherish; love, affection
Old Javanese asihlove, affection, loving kindness, sympathy, benevolence, favor
  maŋ-asih-asihto flatter
Javanese asihlove, compassion; to feel loving kindness
  ŋ-asihto love
Balinese (High) asihlove, like, favor
Lauje a-ansipity
Dondo ʔa-asipity
Uma ahiʔpity, compassion
  -pe-ʔahiʔto love, cherish
Bare'e me-asi-asipitiful, unfortunate
Tae' asigive a gift out of affection
Chamorro asiʔ-iforgive, pardon, excuse, condone, grant forgiveness, exculpate
  asiʔ-i-yonexcusable, pardonable, forgivable
  gái-ʔaseʔhave mercy, be merciful, have pity, have forgiveness
  yo-ʔaseʔmerciful person, forgiving person

4320

PMP     *ka-qasiq mercy, pity, affection

WMP
Ilokano ka-ásimercy, pity, clemency, compassion, commiseration, charity, leniency, indulgence, tolerance, forbearance
Ngaju Dayak k-asimisery; unfortunate situation
Malay k-aséhaffection, love
  ke-kaséhbeloved person; mistress; love
  terima kaséhthank you
Toba Batak debata h-asi h-asia female deity
Simalur k-asipity
Sundanese ka-asihdear one, beloved, favored one, favorite
  ka-k-asihbeloved, chosen one
  ka-k-asih AllahGod's chosen one (one of the titles of Mohammed)
Old Javanese k-asih areppitiful, in a pitiable condition
Javanese k-asihcompassion, sympathy
  ke-k-asihobject of love; fiancé(e)
  k<in>asihbeloved
Balinese k-asihlove, friendship, peace
  ka-asihsaid of newly-married persons
  k-asih-asihbe favored by someone, be treated with kindness
Boano ka-asipity
Uma -po-ka-ʔahiʔfeel pity for
Bare'e ka-asi-asipoor, in need of help
Tae' ka-asi-asipitiful, miserable, in need, poor
Mandar k-asi-asipoor, miserable
Buginese k-asi-asipoor
CMP
Ngadha asiterm of address for amember of the opposite sex: friend, sweetheart

4321

PMP     *ka-qasiq-an expression of pity or affection

WMP
Ilokano ka-asi-ánto pity, be compassionate, commiserate, have mercy on
Malay k-aséh-anpity; pitiable
Toba Batak h-asi-andarling, pet, favorite
  anak h-asi-anfavorite child; also used of a favorite slave
Lampung k-asih-anit is too bad
Sundanese ka-asih-ancharitable disposition; love; favor
Tae' k-asi-angive a gift out of love or affection
CMP
Erai k-asi-anpoor, pitiable
Buruese k-asi-anpoor

4322

PMP     *ma-qasiq to pity, have mercy on, feel compassion for

WMP
Melanau (Mukah) m-asiʔto pity, have mercy on
Kayan m-asito have compassion; to help
Singhi Land Dayak m-asihave mercy
Dairi-Pakpak Batak m-asihpitiful, compassionate, merciful
Nias m-asi m-asilove, affection; charity, kindness; pleasure, satisfaction
  fa-m-asitake pleasure in something, be fond of
Old Javanese ma-asihto love, have sympathy or compassion
  ma-asy-asihshow one's love, do a favor, be so kind
Balinese m-asihto caress, soothe
Dondo ma-ʔa-asipity
Uma ma-ʔahiʔhave pity, have compassion
Bare'e m-asi-asi raya-ŋkuI have compassion
Buginese m-asereturn affection
Makasarese saro m-asefeeling of commiseration for another person which leads to sympathy or compassion; compassionate condition
Chamorro ma-ʔaseʔmercy, merciful, pity; forgiveness, sympathy
CMP
Moa m-ahishow forgiveness, pity someone
  mahmi-ahiforgiveness, compassion, pity
OC
Motu ma-adiexclamation of pity

4323

PWMP     *maR-qasiq feel affection or compassion for

WMP
Toba Batak mar-asihave compassion
Sundanese mi-asihto love, cherish

4324

PWMP     *pa-qasiq merciful

WMP
Kayan p-asicompassionate feeling; emotional, sympathetic; gracious, merciful
Ngaju Dayak pa-asimerciful, compassionate, helpful
Toba Batak pa-asi-asitreat someone in a very friendly manner

Note:   Also Kelabit maéʔ ‘to love’, Dairi-Pakpak Batak maséh ‘forgiveness, mercy’, Javanese sih ‘love, loving kindness’, Sa'a ʔamasi ‘feel pity for’. Although no Formosan cognates of PMP *qasiq have yet been identified, a similar semantic range is associated with other morphemes in some Formosan languages, as with Saisiyat (Taai) pakpakalʸa-ʔaloʔ-an ‘pitiful’, next to maL-ʔaloʔ ‘thank’ (cf. Malay terima kaséh). I assume that the morphological parallelism in Ngaju Dayak paŋ-asi ‘miserable, pitiful’, Toba Batak paŋ-asi-i ‘compassion, heartfelt affection’ and Old Javanese paŋ-asih ‘favor, favorite; gift (as token of love, benevolence or favor); drinks offered to a guest’ is convergent.

27651

*qasiRa salt

4325

PAN     *qasiRa salt

Formosan
Thao qtiLasalt
Bunun qasilasalt
Paiwan qatiasalt
WMP
Kayan hiaʔsalt
  hiaʔ nekfine salt
  hiaʔ uŋcoarse salt
Melanau (Mukah) siasalt
Malagasy sírasalt. Also used for the embellishments of a speech, figures, similes, or alliterations
  síra mámy('sweet salt') sugar
  síra-házopotash
Jarai hrasalt
Rhade hrasalt
Acehnese sirasalt
Karo Batak sirasalt
Toba Batak sirasalt
  sira-bunash
Simalur asilasalt
Rejang sileysalt
Mori ohiasalt
Muna ghohiasalt
Chamorro asigasalt
CMP
Bimanese siasalt
  sia mpidafine salt
  sia naʔecoarse salt
Komodo siasalt
Helong silasalt
Mambai siasalt
Yamdena siresalt
Sekar sirasalt
SHWNG
Kowiai sirasalt
OC
Gitua asira(residue of) salt spray

4326

PWMP     *ma-qasiRa (gloss uncertain)

WMP
Malagasy ma-sìrasaltish; dun-colored
[Tae' ma-siasufficiently salted]

4327

PAN     *qasiRa-en anything which has been salted

Formosan
Paiwan q-in-atia-nsomething which has been salted
WMP
Malagasy sira-ìnasalted

4328

PWMP     *qasiRa-i salt something, put salt on

WMP
Karo Batak n-ira-isalt something
Toba Batak man-ira-ito salt, put salt on
[Tae' sia-isalt something, put salt on]

Note:   Also Amis cilah/cinah ‘salt’, pa-cilah/cinah/ ‘to salt or add salt’, Maloh siaʔ, Paku siraʔ, Moken selaʔ, Tae', Mandar sia, Manggarai ciʔé, Ngadha siʔe ‘salt’, sié me ‘sugar’, Lamaholot siʔa, Arguni sire-r ‘salt’. Dempwolff's (1934-38) inclusion of Tagalog siláʔ ‘food’ (given by Panganiban (1966) as ‘man-eating wild animal; flesh- or meat-eater) clearly is misassigned.

Many languages in the Philippines and eastern Indonesia have replaced this morpheme with a reflex of the PAn nominal *qasiN ‘saltiness, salty taste’ or its stative verbal form *ma-qasiN ‘salty’, and many Oceanic languages have replaced it with a reflex of *tasik ‘sea, saltwater’. Indeed, it appears necessary to reconstruct both PPh *qasin and POc *tasik in the meaning ‘salt’, although PCMP evidently retained a reflex of *qasiRa which was replaced independently in much of the region by reflexes of PMP *ma-qasin. While no Oceanic language unambiguously reflects *qasiRa, some Southeast Solomonic forms can arguably be assigned to it. However, given the widespread extension of *tasik to include ‘salt’ in Oceanic languages I follow the primary sources in treating Lau, Kwara'ae, Kwaio asila ‘salt’ as a suffixed reflex of *tasik (> asi ‘sea, saltwater’, asi-la ‘salt’).

27653

*qaso food offering

4330

POC     *qaso food offering

OC
Arosi atodistribute food at feasts, yams in holes for planting; give food to the sick
Samoan asofood (for visitors, carpenters, etc.) supplied according to a daily rota
Rennellese ʔasofood offering

27655

*qasu₁ fetch water, scoop up water

4332

PMP     *qasu₁ fetch water, scoop up water     [disjunct: *asu₃]

WMP
Mentawai asufetch water
Old Javanese aŋsudraw or scoop water
Javanese aŋsuact or way of drawing water from a well
Tondano asubamboo to bail out water
Tontemboan ma-asufetch water from a spring or river
  meŋ-asu-ŋ-asurepeatedly fetch water
  ni-asuwater that has been fetched
CMP
Kédang ahufetch water
Kamarian asuto ladle, scoop, fetch (of water)
Buruese asu-kto draw (as water), dip

4333

POC     *qasu bail out water

OC
Wuvulu atubailer
  atum-iabail out water
Niue ahubail out, dip up; canoe bailer
Samoan asuto lade, scoop (as kava in serving); bail out; scoop up and throw off (with hand, shell, etc.)
Rennellese ʔasuto scoop; to bail, as a canoe
Nukuoro asuscoop up (liquids only), to spoon

Note:   Also Karo Batak ancuh ‘scoop up water in a bamboo container or the like’, ŋ-ancuh-i ‘drink from a bamboo water container by holding it firmly upright’, Mentawai aisu ‘fetch water’, Old Javanese asu ‘draw or scoop water’, Proto-Minahasan *asu(h) ‘draw water, scoop up water’, Rotinese aso ‘scoop water with the hand or with a bucket from a river or spring’, Leti osru ‘fetch water’, Moa ahru ‘bail water from a canoe’.

Although PMP *limas ‘canoe bailer’ is reflected as POc *nimas, with the same meaning, PMP *qasu evidently underwent a semantic change that is reflected in a number of languages. The recorded glosses suggest a PMP meaning ‘fetch water, scoop up water’, or the like, the central idea being the use of a container to collect water that will be used. In PEMP the meaning ‘fetch water, scoop up water’ apparently became associated instead with *qutub, and *qasu shifted semantically to become the verbal counterpart of *limas, the central idea being the use of a container to collect water that will be disposed of. The appearance of final /h/ both in Karo Batak, and in some of the Minahasan languages is puzzling, but cannot be accomodated under any independently motivated reconstructional hypothesis.

27656

*qasu₂ gall, gall bladder, octopus sepia

4334

POC     *qasu₂ gall, gall bladder, octopus sepia

OC
Wuvulu aku-gall, gall bladder
Aua aru-gall, gall bladder
Seimat axu-gall, gall bladder
Bipi asu-gall, gall bladder
Lindrou asu-gall, gall bladder
Likum esugall, gall bladder
Papitalai asugall, gall bladder
Pak osugall, gall bladder (< A)
Nauna kasugall, gall bladder
Penchal kasugall, gall bladder
Nggela ahugall
Lau sasugall bladder; ink of cuttlefish
Gilbertese arigall, gall bladder; bitter; bitterness
Marshallese atgall bladder; seat of brave emotions; seat of ambition; bile
Pohnpeian edibile, of the liver
Mokilese adi-gall bladder
Puluwat yáátspleen, gall bladder; formerly the human spleen was cooked and used to poison a foe
Tongan ʔahugall, gall bladder
Niue ahuspleen
Samoan auliver, (esp. of pig)
  au-ʔonagall-bladder; bile
Rennellese ʔaubile, gall bladder; bitter meat, as of an ʔagigi turban shell
Tuvaluan augall, gall bladder
Kapingamarangi aupigment of octopus, octopus sepia
Rarotongan authe gall of animals
Maori augall
Hawaiian augall, bile; gall bladder

Note:   Also Mussau kasu- ‘gall, gall bladder’, Motu audu-na ‘gall’, Rotuman hɔsu ‘gall bladder’. Since PMP *qalejaw ‘day’ apparently has become POc *qajo (with loss of the medial vowel and simplification of the resulting cluster), it is conceivable that a parallel change in PAn *qapeju ‘gall, gall bladder’ could have given rise to the forms cited here. Despite its initial appeal this hypothesis fails to explain why languages such as Bipi, Lindrou, Likum, Papitalai, Pak, Penchal, and Nauna, which distinguish PAn/POc *s from *j, point to POc *s as the medial consonant in this form. PAn *qapeju and POc *qasu thus appear to have no historical connection.

27657

*qasu₃ smoke, fumes, steam; to smoke (as a fire)

4335

PMP     *qasu₃ smoke, fumes, steam; to smoke (as a fire)

WMP
Tagalog asósmoke
Bikol asósmoke, fumes
  mag-asóbecome smoky; to smoke, smolder
Aklanon asó(h)smoke, fumes (visible); to give off smoke, to smoke
Hiligaynon asúsmoke
Cebuano asúsmoke; fumes; be in path of smoke; go up in smoke
Samal asusteam
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) asuhsmoke
Singhi Land Dayak asuchsmoke; to smoke (like a fire)
Moken kahoismoke
Mori ahusmoke of a fire
Palauan ʔatsmoke; steam
  meŋátsmoke (fish, etc.); dry (wrapped tapioca); give (someone) steam bath (so as to regain strength, esp. after childbirth); smoke out (mosquitoes, etc.)
  meŋ-ʔatgive off smoke
  ʔetu-lits smoke, its steam
Chamorro asusmoke, smudge, steam, vapor, fog, the gaseous products of burning organic materials which finally settle as soot
  asgu-esmoke out
SHWNG
Numfor asto smoke, of a fire
Waropen asismoke, fumes, steam
OC
Wuvulu akusmoke of a fire
Seimat axu-(an)smoke of a fire
Mussau asusmoke
Vitu ǥađusmoke of a fire
Suau asusmoke of a fire
Mekeo akusmoke of a fire
Dobuan ʔasusmoke
Tinputz ossmoke of a fire
Bugotu ahu-(ña)smoke; to smoke, of a fire
  ahu i tahisea spray
  ahu i beasteam
  ahu-ahu-asmoky
Nggela ahuthe smoke of a fire; to steam a sick baby
Lau sasusmoke; to smoke; to burn, of fire; steam
  sasu-lasmokiness
Kwaio lasusmoke
Sa'a säsuto smoke, of fire; smoke; steam
'Āre'āre rasuto smoke, of fire
  rasu-ato smoke, blacken with smoke
Arosi sasucloudy, smoky
Chuukese éétsmoke
  étu-nits smoke
Puluwat yaatsmoke, as of a fire; foam, as of the sea
  yátú-nsmoke of, foam of
Mota asusmoke; to smoke, as fire; go up as smoke
Raga ahusmoke
Tolomako asusmoke
Tangoa asusmoke
Namakir na-ʔahsmoke
Makatea asu-afismoke
Rotuman asusmoke
Tongan ʔahusmoke, soot; emit smoke
Samoan asusmoke
Tuvaluan augive off smoke
Maori au(ahi)smoke; cloud, mist, fog

4336

PMP     *ma-qasu smoky

WMP
Bikol ma-asósmoky
Aklanon ma-asósmoky
CMP
Kodi mahusmoke
Rotinese masusmoke, steam; to smoke, to steam; to roast over a fire
Mambai masu-nsmoke
Moa mahusmoke
Kisar mahu-nsmoke
Yamdena au masu-nsmoke of a fire
  n-masto smoke
Sekar masismoke of a fire

4337

PMP     *pa(ka)-qasu to smoke, fumigate

WMP
Cebuano pa-asúfumigate, apply smoke to plants to make them bear
OC
Rotuman fak-asuplace in smoke
Samoan fāʔ-asuto smoke (fish or meat); fumigate
Chuukese aatúto smoke, to steam; cause to be smoked or steamed (for curing)

4338

PMP     *qasu qasu give off smoke continuously, pour out smoke

WMP
Cebuano asu-asúgive off smoke continuously; come fast and thick, in rapid succession
OC
Sa'a säu-sesuto smoke, of fire
Puluwat yátúyátto smoke, as fire; to foam, as the sea
Samoan asu-asucolumn, spiral of smoke

Note:   Also Isneg atúʔ ‘smoke, fume, vapor, steam’, Itawis atúk ‘smoke’, Casiguran Dumagat asók ‘smoke; for smoke to drift up from a fire’, Bontok asók, gasók ‘smoke, be smoky; give off smoke’, Ilokano asók ‘smoke, fume, vapor, steam’, Ifugaw ahúk ‘smoke’, Sambal (Botolan) ahók ‘smoke’, Kapampangan asúk ‘smoke’. Yapese qaath ‘smoke’ is assumed to be a Palauan loan. Reflexes of PMP *qasu in WMP and CEMP languages have both nominal and verbal meanings (‘smoke’, ‘give off smoke’). Since PAn *qebel evidently meant ‘smoke’ the question arises whether *qasu meant ‘to smoke, of a fire’, and came to replace *qebel independently in many languages in the meaning ‘smoke’.

27654

*qasual lever up

4331

PWMP     *qasual lever up     [disjunct: *sual]

WMP
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaswalpry up with a heavy stick
Old Javanese suwaldig out
Javanese soluprooted

27645

*qaSelu pestle

4303

PAN     *qaSelu pestle

Formosan
Atayal (Mayrinax) qasuupestle
Seediq sərupestle
Saisiyat (Taai) ʔaeSəlʸopestle
Proto-Rukai *asoƚopestle
Favorlang sorroa pestle, with which people beat paddy out of the stalk
Amis ʔasoloa wood or stone pestle used to mill rice
Paiwan qaselupestle
WMP
Itbayaten ahxopestle
Isneg allópestle. For pounding rice, etc.
Itawis állupestle
Casiguran Dumagat álopestle (for pounding rice); use a pestle
Bontok ʔalʔúpestle; use as a pestle
Kankanaey alʔópestle, stamper
Ifugaw alʔúpestle for pounding rice in an Ifugaw trough, also called lalú. It is just a round, polished pole (more or less one meter twenty long and 20 cm. in diameter) rounded at its ends so that it can fit in the bottom of the hollowed cavity of the trough; its handle is made in the middle, which is thin enough to fit the grip of the hand
Pangasinan álopestle
Kapampangan álopestle
Bikol háʔlupounding stick for rice; pestle
Hanunóo hálʔuwooden pestle for pounding rice, corn, etc.
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalupestle
Aklanon háeʔopestle, pounding stick
Hiligaynon hálʔumortar, pestle
Cebuano alhúpestle; make into a pestle; hit with a pestle
Mansaka aropestle, pole for pounding rice
Tiruray ʔelewpestle
Samal hallupestle
Kelabit aluhlong wooden rice pestle used with iuŋ
Kayan (Uma Juman) aluʔpestle
Kenyah lupounder for rice
Iban alupestle of hard wood used to pound padi, etc.
Nias haluwooden pole for pounding rice
Sundanese halurice pestle
Old Javanese haluprobably a kind of club (with an iron point)
Javanese alupestle for pounding things in a mortar
Bolaang Mongondow alurice pestle
Makasarese alurice pestle
Tae' alurice pestle, made of Lansium domesticum, Casuarina or lemon wood, tapering in the middle, and gripped there with the hands
Palauan ʔáipestle
CMP
Bimanese arupestle
Komodo alupestle
Manggarai alupestle
Rembong alupestle
Ngadha alupole, bamboo pole, pestle
Li'o alupestle
Sika ʔalurice pestle made of hard bamboo
Kambera alu(rice) pestle
  alu bàhiiron pestle (for crushing areca nut)
Erai alupounder, pestle
Kisar alupestle
Asilulu alu huapestle, especially rice pestle
Buruese alupestle

Note:   Also Cebuano hálʔu ʻpestle’, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) andu ʻpestle which is used with the rice mortar’, Malagasy akalo ʻa pestle, generally a long wooden pole which is used to husk rice in the mortar’, Moken kaoi ʻpestle’, Simalur alau ʻrice pestle’, Sangir balu ʻrice pestle’, Toba Batak andalu ʻthe heavy pole with which the rice is pounded’, Lamaholot alo ʻpestle’.

Although Kalamian Tagbanwa kalu, Nias, Sundanese, Old Javanese halu, Palauan chái clearly indicate that PAn became PMP *qahelu, a number of Philippine forms instead reflect PMP *haqelu. Since *S-metathesis distinguishes Formosan from non-Formosan languages in final position (Blust 1993a), and appears to distinguish Formosan from non-Formosan reflexes of PAn *quNaSap ʻfish scale’, it is possible that *haqelu existed already as a variant of PMP *qahelu. In addition to PAn *qaSelu the evidence cited here could be used to support a shortened form *Selu (Seediq seru, Favorlang sorro, Kenyah lu. I assume instead that such shortened forms are products of convergence.

27613

*qanta having an unpleasant taste

4238

PWMP     *qanta having an unpleasant taste

WMP
Kapampangan antárank, rancid, as butter or pork
Tagalog antárancid odor or taste (of oil, lard, etc.)
Banjarese hantabrackish, as water; unpleasant (of the taste of food)
Sundanese hantainsipid, tepid, brackish
Javanese antastale-tasting

Note:   Aklanon aŋtá(h), antá(h) ‘burned, smelling overcooked’ probably is distinct.

27658

*qatai side of canoe opposite the outrigger

4339

POC     *qatai side of canoe opposite the outrigger     [doublet: *katea]

OC
Loniu atayside of canoe opposite the outrigger
Gedaged ataiprojecting part of the bidal (platform), opposite the sam (outrigger float)
Motu ataiseawards
Murua katairight side

Note:   Also Molima atai ‘right hand’

27610

*qantak stamp, put one's foot down

4235

PWMP     *qantak stamp, put one's foot down

WMP
Cebuano antákstamp one's foot
Minangkabau (h)antakramming down; tapping with the forepart of the foot, the heel remaining stationary
Tae' antaklimp with a painful foot

27659

*qataq eat something raw

4340

PAN     *qataq eat something raw     [doublet: *qamataq, *qetaq]    [disjunct: *hataq]

Formosan
Atayal qataqto eat raw (as taro)
WMP
Casiguran Dumagat átaunripe, green; uncooked
Ifugaw átagreen; applied to grass, leaves, unripe fruit, natural color of vegetation in general
Ilokano na-atagreen, unripe, immature; unseasoned, raw, undry; not cooked thoroughly (rice)
Tiruray ʔataʔimmature, not yet ripe, used only of fruits
Kenyah (Long Wat) ataʔthe smell of raw vegetables, especially long beans
Kayan (Uma Juman) ataraw, unripe
Kayan ataunripe, raw
Karo Batak atahfresh, living, green
Toba Batak ataeat raw flesh (flesh that is barely cooked)
Sundanese atahraw, unripe, uncooked
Bada antaʔeat humans, practice cannibalism (Adriani 1928, sub onta)

4341

PAN     *ma-qataq raw, unripe

Formosan
Kavalan matiʔunripe, raw
WMP
Gaddang ma-ʔataraw, unripe
Ifugaw ma-atait will be green (cp. na-ata 'it is green')
Kenyah (Long Wat) m-ataʔraw
Simalur m-aʔtaʔunripe, raw (as a banana)
Boano ma-ataʔunripe

4342

PWMP     *maŋ-qataq eat something before it is ready to eat

WMP
Kayan (Uma Juman) ŋ-atapick fruit before it is ripe
Ngaju Dayak maŋ-antapluck while unripe
Toba Batak maŋ-ataeat raw flesh

Note:   With root *-taq ‘raw’.

27611

*qantas cut through

4236

PWMP     *qantas cut through

WMP
Kadazan antastake a shortcut
Banjarese hantasshortcut; take a shortcut
Sumbawanese antasfell trees, clear brush

Note:   Also Javanese ancas ‘take a shortcut’, Rembong antat ‘take a shortcut’. With root *-tas ‘cut through, sever; rip’.

27612

*qantatadu large stinging green caterpillar

4237

PWMP     *qantatadu large stinging green caterpillar     [doublet: *katadu]    [disjunct: *hantatadu]

WMP
Kankanaey atatádobluish white caterpillar living on the taro plant
Ifugaw (Batad) antatādularge green caterpillar such as the common tomato worm
Ilokano antatádokind of blackish freshwater fish, generally as thick as an arm and more than one foot long; its meat is esteemed by the Chinese
Bikol antatarólarge caterpillar species
  antataró-onbe eaten by such a caterpillar
Hanunóo ʔantatarúvaricolored taro beetle which feeds on the petiole of taro plants
Hiligaynon atatarócaterpillar
Cebuano atatalúkind of green caterpillar, especially fond of calladium and taro plants, and also found on citrus, turning into a butterfly
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) tetarucaterpillar
Maranao tatarocaterpillar
Tboli ketolucaterpillar, about six inches long, smooth skin, bright green color with red markings
Lun Dayeh tetaduhcaterpillar
Melanau (Mukah) tetadewcaterpillar
Toba Batak antatadukind of large green caterpillar
Angkola-Mandailing Batak antatadurather large caterpillar that adheres to leaves

Note:   Also Bontok attatádo ‘the larva of the Chrysomelid beetle’, Ilokano antatáteg ‘kind of white larva’, Mansaka antataroʔ ‘caterpillar’, Malay ulat centadu, ulat sentadu, Minangkabau sintadu, tintadu, Minangkabau (Negri Sembilan) mentadu ‘large green hairy caterpillar, believed by Malays to develop into a squirrel’, Bolaang Mongondow tantaduʔ, tontaduʔ ‘large caterpillar that is found especially on the leaves of the ubi limituʔ (kind of tuber)’. Since the first two syllables of *antatadu do not appear to be a variant of the *qali/kali- prefix which often is found on the names of ‘creepy-crawly’ life-forms, this item is one of the rare reconstructed quadrisyllables that cannot be analyzed into two morphemes. While *qulej functioned as a generic term for the larvae of flies, butterflies and moths, *antatadu and its variants *hantatadu and *katadu evidently referred to a prominent green, probably stinging caterpillar commonly found on the leaves of tubers such as taro.

27660

*qatay qatay₁ a climbing plant: Wedelia biflora

4343

PMP     *qatay qatay₁ a climbing plant: Wedelia biflora

WMP
Isneg agtáy lamán(lit. 'liver of the wild boar') an herb some ten inches tall that grows in the forest; it serves for an amulet when starting the work on a balét (bow or spear) trap
Malay hati-hatiplant sp.: Coleus atropurpureus, C. blumei
  hati-hati hutana plant: Sonerila heterostemon
Toba Batak si-mar-ate-atekind of plant with leaves that resemble a liver
Balinese ati-atiname of a magic plant
Tontemboan toŋko-atekind of parasitic climbing plant thus named because it resembles a pig's liver: Dischida maxima
CMP
Rotinese ate-lasikind of epiphytic plant, said to exude liquid
OC
Yapese qaedflower of a type of plant
Samoan ate-atea shrub (Wedelia sp.), the beach sunflower
Anuta ateplant sp.: Wedelia biflora, Adenostema lavenia

Note:   Also Chuukese étúwét ‘a plant, Wedelia biflora. Its flowers are used to prepare medicine for inflammation of the eyes’, Puluwat yáti-yát ‘Wedelia, a weed with small yellow daisy-like flower’.

The evidence for this reconstruction is tenuous, consisting of the following interconnected links:

1) Isneg agtáy lamán and Tontemboan toŋko-ate agree in containing a reflex of PMP *qatay ‘liver’ in a larger collocation meaning ‘pig liver’,
2) the Isneg and Balinese forms both suggest a connection with beliefs about the supernatural world,
3) the Tontemboan, Rotinese, Puluwat, Samoan and Anuta referents are all small climbing or epiphytic plants, while Malay hati-hati is a member of the mint family.

Merrill (1954:37) notes: ‘very abundant in the beach thickets are certain members of the Compositae, such as the somewhat climbing áte-áte or hagónoi (Wedelia biflora)’. The first form that he cites is Samoan ate-ate, the second is Tagalog hagúnoy; ‘a climbing, herbaceous vine’. Taken as a totality it seems very likely to me that the Wedelia biflora was designated by some morphologically complex reflex of PMP *qatay ‘liver’. Kankanaey átey ‘kind of edible tuber’; átey di nuáŋ (lit. ‘liver of carabao’) ‘kind of edible white mushroom’ probably are unrelated.

27661

*qatay qatay₂ ornamental shrub used for hedges Graptophyllum pictum

4344

PWMP     *qatay qatay₂ ornamental shrub used for hedges Graptophyllum pictum

WMP
Cebuano atay-átaykind of ornamental shrub with mottled red or green elliptic leaves and smooth margins: Graptophyllum pictum
Sasak ateplant with pretty leaves but no flowers (Graptophyllum pitum Griff.) used to make hedges

Note:   Evidently distinct from *qatay qatay ‘a climbing plant: Wedelia biflora’. Merrill (1954:158) describes the Graptophyllum pictum as having ‘purple or liver-colored leaves’.

27662

*qateluR egg; testicle

4345

PMP     *qateluR egg; testicle

WMP
Ata atolugegg
Manobo (Ilianen) ɨtɨlugegg
Samal ɨntɨlloegg
Timugon Murut taluʔegg
Lun Dayeh teruregg
Kelabit teruregg; testicle
Bintulu teluegg
Melanau (Mukah) teluhegg
Bukat taloyegg
Ma'anyan ateluyegg
Ba'amang hantelohegg
Malagasy atodyegg
Malay teluregg; also occasionally, 'testicle'. Usually of the eggs of poultry ... also of other eggs (fish roe, turtle eggs); of things, esp. plants, suggesting kinds of eggs
Moken keluːnegg
Nias adulo <Megg
Mentawai ateluegg
Lampung tahluy <Megg
Old Javanese hanteluegg
Proto-Sangiric *teluRegg
Sangir telluheʔegg
  me-telluheʔlay an egg
Proto-Minahasan *ateluhegg
Tondano ateluegg
Tialo ontolugEegg
Bare'e toyuegg; testicle
Tae' talloʔegg
Mandar talloʔegg
CMP
Bimanese doluegg
  dolu-be, dolu wudutesticle
Komodo teloegg; testicle
Rembong teloʔegg; testicle
  teloʔ manukchicken egg
Ngadha telocalf of the leg; egg
Sika teloegg of chicken, turtle, lizard, bird or fish
Lamboya taluegg
Kambera tíluegg; lay and egg; testicle (because of this meaning the word tílu 'three' is replaced by tailu or dua haàta in counting persons, and by dàmba hau in counting things)
  tílu manuchicken egg
Hawu deluegg
  delu manuchicken egg
Tetun tolu-negg
  manu tolu-nhen's egg
Kemak manuk teloegg
Kisar kerun-neegg
Selaru tésuegg; testicle
Watubela katluegg
Paulohi teruregg
Buruese telu-negg
  ep-teluhlay an egg
Soboyo toluegg
  manuʔ ntoluchicken egg
  ba-tolulay an egg
SHWNG
Giman toliegg

4346

POC     *qatoluR egg

OC
Wuvulu aʔoluegg
Seimat atolegg
Mussau otoluegg
Lusi ka-katoluegg
Kairiru (k)atolegg
Mekeo aoiegg
Roro ahoiegg
Motu gatoiegg
Mendak gatliegg
Tabar katuru <Aegg
Label kotol <Aegg
  kotol a manibird egg (Ross 1988:281)
Lakalai hatotoluegg
Lau saoluegg
Ulawa saoluegg
Bauro aoruegg
Sakao atœlœegg
Namakir na-ʔatolegg
  ʔatolegg
Nakanamanga atoluegg

4347

PWMP     *maŋ-qateluR lay eggs

WMP
Bintulu me-nelulay an egg
Malagasy man-atòdylay eggs
Old Javanese aŋ-antelulay or sit on eggs
Bare'e mo-toyuhave testicles; lay and egg
Tae' men-tallulay an egg
Mandar met-talloʔlay and egg

Note:   Also Iban teluʔ ‘egg, esp. of fowl’, Kapuas tanteluh ‘egg’, Dohoi kotoluh ‘egg’, Lampung tahluy ‘egg’, Sundanese telur ‘testicle’, Balinese taluh ‘egg, spawn’, Tae' tallu ‘egg’, tallu manuk ‘chicken egg’, tallu tallu ‘testicle’, Wolio ontolu ‘egg’, Muna ghunteli ‘egg’, Manggarai telo ‘egg; penis’, Lamaholot teluk ‘egg; lay an egg’, Kedayan tolor ‘egg’, Rotinese tolo ‘egg’, Leti ternu ‘egg’, W.Tarangan (Ngaibor) tulir ‘egg’, Kei man-tilur ‘bird egg, esp. chicken egg’, Elat tulur ‘egg’, Masiwang toli-n ‘egg’, Kowiai toro-n ‘egg’, Buli tāl ‘egg’, Biga tolo ‘egg’, As talo ‘egg’, Magori atoʔi ‘egg’, Tanga katalu ‘egg; testicle’, Tigak katiluk ‘egg’, Wogeo ŋatol ‘egg’, Nggela tolu ‘round object’, tolu ni mbola ‘bubble, as in water, soap bubble; an egg’, tolu ni lau ‘turtle egg’, Ghari tolu-, Talise kolu- ‘egg’, Lau saoolu, saulu ‘egg’, Arosi saolu ‘egg (rare use)’, Mota toliu ‘egg’, tol manu ‘bird's egg’, tol rupe ‘cocoon and chrysalis of moth or butterfly’, tol-man ‘testicle’, Toga tuli-, Wailengi toli, Hukua utuli, Tasmate otoli ‘egg’.

Bare'e toyu bau ‘a swamp plant’, Ngadha telo ‘creeper, climbing plant’, and variant plant names in other languages which make use of the word for ‘egg’ may reflect earlier prototypes, but this is difficult to decide based on the available evidence. Reflexes both of this word and of the doublet PAn *qiCeluR, PMP *qiteluR are widely distributed, although the latter appear to be confined to Taiwan, the Philippines and western Indonesia (Borneo, south Sulawesi). Many reflexes both in western and in eastern Indonesia are ambiguous for the two prototypes, as they regularly lose a prepenultimate initial syllable which began with a vowel or laryngeal.

Reflexes in some Oceanic languages lack a prepenultimate syllable, and so appear to confirm Dempwolff's (1934-38) reconstruction of *teluR. I take these Oceanic forms to be irregular, and their agreement with such regularly reduced WMP forms as Malay telur to be convergent. The appearance of a great variety of irregularities in reflexes of this word in many languages is puzzling, and may be connected with taboo in connection with the meaning ‘testicle’. For the widespread occurrence of an ‘egg/testicle’ equation in natural languages cf. Brown and Witkowski (1981).

27614

*qantem beat, thrash

4239

PWMP     *qantem beat, thrash

WMP
Iban antamstrike (as a wave striking a boat); go on with
Malay hantamslamming; slapping; bumping against. Of a man bumping his nose against a tree; (vulgar) of sexual intercourse, etc.
Malay (Jakarta) antemhit, get angry with, thrash
Javanese antema blow with the fist
Balinese antemstrike, hit hard
Mandar ataŋhit (using an elongated piece of wood, iron, etc.)

Note:   Also Malay hentam ‘slamming; slapping; bumping against’.

27663

*qatep roof, thatch

4348

PMP     *qatep roof, thatch

WMP
Yami ateproof; after having finished with the frame-work of (the) main dwelling, people gather grass material for use in thatching (the) roof. While vuchid grass (Imperata cylindrica Beau. var. Koenigii Honda) is preferred, aviyau grass (Miscanthus japonicus Andr.) is occasionally used instead. Because vuchid grass is not plentiful enough close by the village, it is generally brought by boat from distant grassland, and the bundles of grass thus brought are dried on the sandy beach (Kano and Segawa 1956:53ff)
Itbayaten ateproofing, roof
Isneg atáproof, roofing
Itawis atáproof
Casiguran Dumagat atəproof; make a roof
Bontok ʔatə́pa roof, specifically a roof thatched with cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica); make or repair the roof of a house or other shelter; thatching
Kankanaey atéproof, top; roofing
Ilokano atéproof. This term includes only the roofing, that is: cogon (Imperata cylindrica), nipa, corrugated iron, etc.; not: the rafters, etc.
Ifugaw atóproof of a house, granary, hut, shed; after the ... roofers have covered the four ridges of the pyramidal roof with bundles of grass, they begin covering the lower part of the íbat (trapezoidal shelf of reeds that is lashed to the rafters) with layers of canes that still have leaves ... they continue their covering operation using now bundled sheaves of gúlun grass (Imperata cylindrica). Each layer is laid a little higher than the one already laid and strongly lashed to the ulhút (pair of reed stalks) of the íbat by means of horizontally laid canes called hípit
Pangasinan atéproof
Kapampangan atáppeak of a roof
  pay-atápput on a roof
Tagalog atíproof, roofing
Bikol atóproof; thatch
Hanunóo ʔatúproofing thatch (there is no general term for 'roof' in Hanuno'o)
Aklanon atóproof
Kalamian Tagbanwa kateproof; nipa palm
Palawan Batak ʔáteproof
Cebuano atúproof; paper covering for a kite
Mansaka atuproof. A compact roof is made with the laves of the lombiya (sago) palm
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) ateproof, to roof a house
Maranao ateproof (made of cogon grass = Imperata cylindrica)
Tiruray ʔatefroof or roofing material
Tboli ketefroof
Subanen/Subanun gatoproof; roof of leaves, thatch
Banjarese hataproof; thatch for roofing
Iban atapthatch, roofing of any kind
  atap apoŋnipa thatch
  atap belianironwood shingles
  atap muloŋsago thatch (long-lasting)
Malay (h)ataproof; roofing-thatch
  (h)atap sisek teŋgiliŋ(of shingles); -- but specifically of thatch, made usually of nipah (the commonest), rembia (reputed the best), bertam (a palm: Eugeissona tristis), kaboŋ (sugar palm: Arenga saccharifera), salak (a stemless thorny palm: Zalacca edulis), kelubi (a stemless thorny marsh-palm: Zalacca conferta), palas (fan-palm: Licuala spp.), serdaŋ (a tall fan-palm: Livistona cochinchinensis), puar (generic for wild giners and esp. for the local cardamom, in contrast to the imported cardamom), lalaŋ (sword grass: Imperata cylindrica)
Rejang ateproof, roofing, thatch made of leaves of palm (Calamus casteneus)
  ateup mbaithatch made of leaves of sago palm
Sundanese hatɨproof thatch made of tied bundles of sword grass (Imperata cylindrica) or other material suitable for thatching, but also used for tiles, etc.; roof
Old Javanese hateproof, cover
Javanese atepthatched roof
Sasak ateproof; provide with a roof
Proto-Sangiric *atuproof; thatch
Sangir atuʔroof; roof thatch, made of half-overlapping sago fronds folded over a bamboo pole and attached to another pole
Tontemboan ateproof; thatch (of sago leaves sewn together)
Gorontalo watoposword grass (Imperata cylindrica) bound into bundles of thatch
Bolaang Mongondow atoproof, roof covering; to roof, cover over
Uma ataʔroof
  pe-ataʔto roof
Bare'e ataroof; thatch (sago, nipa, rattan)
Mori atoroof, thatch
Muna