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Updated: 6/21/2020


Austronesian Comparative Dictionary

Cognate Sets


qa    qe    qi    qo    qu    




















qabu qabu




























































































































































qatay qatay₁

qatay qatay₂


































*qa particle expressing confirmation: indeed


PPh     *qa particle expressing confirmation: indeed

Ilokano aparticle expressing confirmation; yes indeed (I agree)
  aparticle expressing confirmation
  wen ayes indeed (I agree)
Bontok ʔaaexpression of recognition or agreement
Ibaloy aadverb: of course, as would be expected, naturally
  aof course, as would be expected, naturally
Pangasinan ainterjection expressing hesitation, agreement, disagreement, etc.
Agutaynen kaindeed


*qa₁ locative particle


PAN     *qa₁ locative particle     [disjunct: *Sa₂]

Atayal qa-nithis, these; here
Maranao a-nanthat
Kayan (Uma Juman) a-nanthat
Malagasy a-a prefix used like an-, am-, and i-, to make a noun into a preposition; e.g. morona '(the) edge', amorona 'at the edge'; nosy 'an island', anosy 'on an island'
Tontemboan a-(followed or not followed by a nasal), prefix that expresses the dative or locative: to, in, at, on, toward, with, over
Mongondow a-prefixed marker of location; a monik 'above, on top', a monag 'below, underneath'
Tolai apreposition: to, in, of, at
Mono-Alu -asuffix of place
Chuukese a-locative prefix, at
Mota a-simple preposition, locative; at; before infinitive verb, to; used before the names of places; forms compound preposition, avune 'on', etc.
Samoan a-particle occurring in certain nominal constructions, especially with locatives
Maori a-particle used before names of places and local nouns when they (a) stand as subject in a sentence, (b) are repeated by way of explanation


(Formosan only)

*qa₂ interrogative particle


PAN     *qa₂ interrogative particle

Kavalan iinterrogative particle, as in q<m>am ti isu i (eat.av-pm-2s-ip) ‘Have you eaten yet?’
Thao qainterrogative particle, as in ma-cuaw ihu ma-ania qa (very-2s-intelligent-ip) ‘Are you really so smart?’

Note:   Given the brevity of this form and the fact that the comparison is currently confined to just two languages the similarity between Thao qa and Kavalan i may be due to chance. However, the sound correspondences are regular, the meaning and distribution are identical, and there is no other competitor that has been reconstructed in this meaning or function.


*qabaŋ₁ boat, canoe


PAN     *qabaŋ₁ boat, canoe

Kanakanabu abaŋuboat, canoe
Saaroa ʔabaŋəboat, canoe
Siraya avaŋboat, sampan
Proto-Rukai *avaŋəboat, canoe
Yami avaŋwarship, large boat, boat; to ride
  y-avaŋto give a ride to
Itbayaten avaŋbig boat with sail and oar, but (operated) mainly by sail, with about thirty crew members and about thirty passengers. It is not used any more
  maŋ-avaŋgo to a far place by avaŋ
Arta abaŋboat
Gaddang abaŋboat, canoe
Casiguran Dumagat abeŋcanoe, small boat (with outriggers); to travel by boat
Maranao awaŋboat
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) avaŋsmall boat, dugout canoe
Tiruray ʔawaŋcanoe or small boat powered by paddle or outboard motor
Moken kabaŋhouseboat, group of Moken boats
Mentawai abakboat; travel by boat

Note:   Also Tsou apaŋə ‘boat, canoe, Favorlang/Babuza abak ‘small boat or sampan’. Given the independent evidence for PAn *layaR ‘sail’ we can be sure that PAn speakers had boats with sails. However, we cannot be certain that they possessed the outrigger, since *saRman ‘outrigger float’ and other terms connected with the outrigger canoe complex are reconstructible only to PMP. As noted in Blust (1999) the Austronesian settlement of Taiwan may have been accomplished with bamboo sailing rafts, leaving open the possibility that the *qabaŋ was a simple dugout canoe used on interior rivers.


*qabaŋ₂ float


PWMP     *qabaŋ₂ float

Malay (h)ambaŋafloat in mid-air. Of a bird resting on its pinions; of the newly risen sun and moon as they leave the horizon
Simalur abaŋto fly
Tae' aaŋfloat, drift on the water
Proto-South Sulawesi *a(b)aŋfloat, drift


PWMP     *qabaŋ qabaŋ float

Manobo (Kalamansig Cotabato) abaŋ-abaŋbe floating
Karo Batak abaŋ-abaŋtree with large leguminous fruits that produce very light, winged seeds
Dairi-Pakpak Batak abaŋ-abaŋfly about in the air like a bird

Note:   Also Toba Batak habaŋ-habaŋ ‘fly back and forth, of a flag’.


*qabaRa₁ shoulder


PAN     *qabaRa₁ shoulder

Saisiyat (Taai) ʔæbaLaɁshoulder
Pazeh ʔabaxaʔshoulder (Ferrell 1968)
Sakizaya abalaʔshoulder
Amis ʔafalashoulder
  paki-ʔafalacarry on the shoulders
Amis (Central) afalashoulder


PMP     *qabaRa₁ shoulder; carry on the shoulder

Ilokano y-abágaplace on the shoulder
Isneg abáxashoulder
Itawis abáhashoulder
Yogad abagashoulder
Umiray Dumaget abeshoulder
Ibaloy abadashoulder
Pangasinan abaláshoulder
Sambal (Botolan) abayashoulder
Bikol abágashoulder; side of a mountain
Bantuqanon abagashoulder
Aklanon abága(h)shoulder(s); take responsibility, to shoulder, take on
Kalamian Tagbanwa kabalaupper arm
Palawan Batak ʔabagáshoulder
Cebuano abágashoulder; take responsibility for accomplishing something
Maranao wagashoulder
Mansaka abagáshoulder
Maguindanao wágashoulder
Tiruray warashoulder
Blaan (Koronadal) balashoulder next to the neck
Belait barehshoulder
Basap barashoulder
Berawan (Long Terawan) bikihshoulder
Ngaju Dayak bahashoulder
Tsat phia¹¹shoulder
Cham brashoulder
Jarai brashoulder
Rhade mrashoulder
Karo Batak barashoulder
Toba Batak abarashoulder
  maŋ-abaracarry on the shoulder
  paŋ-abara-anwooden pole or burden which rests on the shoulders in carrying
Mongondow obagashoulder
Bare'e awaashoulder
Mori oweashoulder
Wolio awaashoulder (esp. the fore part)
Muna ghoweashoulder; carry together on shoulders
Chamorro apagacarry (something) on the shoulder; shoulder
Li'o warashoulder
Tugun faracarry on the shoulder
Leti waracarry on the shoulder
Selaru harcarry on the shoulder
Yamdena baretake, have, or carry on the shoulder
Fordata avaratake, have, or carry on the shoulder
W.Tarangan (Ngaibor) perashoulder
Elat fara-shoulder
Hitu halashoulder
Asilulu halashoulder
Sekar bara-rshoulder
  ba-bare, ba-bara-nthe outermost point of the shoulder
Irarutu farcarry on the shoulder
Waropen awarocarry on the shoulder


POC     *qapaRa₁ shoulder; carry on the shoulder

Tolai ul-a-vara-nashoulder; clavicle
Kove walashoulder
Gitua baracarry on shoulder
Ubir abara-nshoulder
Gapapaiwa kavarashoulder
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka avala-nahis shoulder; carry something on the shoulder
Dobuan ʔara-nashoulder
Molima ʔavala-na, avala-nashoulder
  avalacarry, esp. on the shoulder
Selau war-warashoulder
Mono-Alu falashoulder
Roviana avara-nashoulder
Nggela valashoulder; collarbone
'Āre'āre ahara-nashoulder
Sa'a ahalashoulder
Marshallese aerāshoulder
Chuukese afarshoulder (of human, animal, bottle)
Puluwat yayéfar'shoulder, load carried on the shoulder
Woleaian yefar (yafara)shoulder


PAN     *qabaRa-an shoulder (?)

Pazeh abaxa-nshoulder (Ferrell 1969)
Amis ʔafaraʔ-anshoulder (Ferrell 1969)
Paiwan qava-nshoulder
Kankanaey abága-nshoulder (used only in tales)

Note:   Also Gaddang afa ‘shoulder’, Tboli abal ‘shoulder’, Sa'a hala ‘shoulder’, Sa'a apala ‘shoulder’. In addition to meaning ‘shoulder’, unaffixed reflexes of PMP *qabaRa mean ‘to carry on the shoulder’ in various CEMP languages, and in Chamorro. Although one would normally expect the body part term to be semantically primary and the verb derived, PAn *qabaRa-an (‘place of shoulder-carrying’) suggests that *qabaRa originally meant ‘carry on the shoulder’. Some WMP and OC languages irregularly reflect this form without the initial syllable (Maranao waga, Tiruray wara, Mono-Alu fala, Nggela vala, etc.). This may indicate that *qabaRa contains a prefix *qa- seen also in *qa-lima ‘hand’ and perhaps *qa-qaqi ‘foot’ (although tentatively I have reconstructed the latter as *qaqay). PMP *baRa ‘hand, arm’ seems clearly to be distinct, as it is reflected with the meaning ‘hand’ in the great majority of witnesses.


*qabaRa₂ topmost hand of banana stalk


PMP     *qabaRa₂ topmost hand of banana stalk

Mansaka abágatop hand on a stalk of bananas


POC     *qapaRa₂ topmost hand of banana stalk

Molima ʔavala-na, avala-natopmost hands of banana

Note:   Probably a metaphorical extension of *qabaRa₁ (the ‘shoulders’ of the banana stalk). Although Mansaka abága ‘top hand on a stalk of bananas’ and abagá ‘shoulder’ carry different accents, this divergence may have arisen from historical changes which were intended to more clearly distinguish between forms no longer regarded as related. For Molima Chowning (n.d. b.) gives a single lexical entry ʔavala-na, avala-na ‘shoulder; topmost hands of banana’.


*qabaS notch cut in a tree


PAN     *qabaS notch cut in a tree

Paiwan qavasa blaze (mark cut on tree to show ownership)
Kayan avaʔnotch or partial cut in a tree; a wound

Note:   Possibly a product of convergent innovations.


*qabated sago grub


PMP     *qabated sago grub     [disjunct: *qabateR]

Manobo (Dibabawon) abatodedible larva of palm tree beetle
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) evatedcorn worm


POC     *qapator sago grub     [disjunct: *qapatoR]

Nggela vatospecies of grub eaten as food on Mala
Lau safaogrub that eats sago palms
'Āre'āre rahaobig white worm living in dead trees
Sa'a sahaogrub found in fallen logs of breadfruit tree, supposed to turn into the cockchafer beetle
Fijian yavatoa grub in a tree which develops into the coleopterus called qou (large coleopterus resembling a stag beetle)
Tongan ʔofatokind of white grub found in timber (sometimes eaten by Tongans)

Note:   Also Tiruray lebuted ‘the larvae of the coconut black beetle, Oryctes rhincerus Linn.’, Samoan ʔafato ‘grub, larva (some are edible)’, Rennellese ahato ‘Longicorn beetle, Olethrius tyrranus Thompson, Wolff, highly desired as food’. Entirely apart from the evidence for disjuncts *qabated and *qabateR, there are several noteworthy irregularities in this comparison. First, although Tongan appears to confirm the initial *q-, it has first-syllable /o/ rather than the anticipated **a/. Second, Samoan has an initial glottal stop for expected zero, finally and Rennellese has initial zero for expected glottal stop.


*qabateR sago grub


PMP     *qabateR sago grub     [doublet: *qabatiR]    [disjunct: *qabated]

Mongondow obatoglarge larva in e.g. a sago palm or a coconut palm
Paulohi hatelelarva of the beetle Euchirus longimanus L. which lives in the trunks of sago palms and is eaten as a delicacy
  hatele ina-isago beetle
Buli patakind of edible worm found in sago palms
Papitalai ehetsago grub


POC     *qapatoR sago grub     [disjunct: *qapator]

Drehet heksago grub
Kove awatolusago grub
Lau safaogrub that eats sago palms
Sye n/avatedible wood-grub
Fijian yavatoa grub in a tree which develops into the coleopterus called qou (large coleopterus resembling a stag beetle)
Tongan ʔofatokind of white grub found in timber (sometimes eaten by Tongans)

Note:   Also Ilokano bátar ‘a kind of white larva’, b<in>átar ‘infested by the bátar larva’, Bontok bátel ‘the grub of a kind of wood-boring beetle’, Ifugaw bat-batól ‘great green caterpillar covered with hair’, Ifugaw (Batad) bātol ‘a large larva, of a long-horned beetle … or a honey bee’, Simalur batəl ‘white woodworm’, Mentawai batara ‘beetle larva’, Sasak batah ‘worm (in maize, trees, rice)’, batah pandan ‘larva of the pandanus beetle’, Mongondow obatok ‘large larva in e.g. a sago palm or a coconut palm’, Rembong wate ‘wood grub’, and Nggela vato ‘a species of grub, eaten as food on Mala’.

For Paulohi of the central Moluccas Stresemann (1918) gives hatele ina-i (‘mother of the sago grub’) as the name of the adult growth stage. In a similar vein, Elbert (1975) notes that among the Polynesian-speaking Rennellese of the Southeastern Solomons "Informants are uncertain as to the "mother" of the ahato, but possibly the manumogi, which deposits eggs in certain trees." This suggests that at least by PCEMP times the mature growth stage was represented lexically by a genitive construction *ina ni qabateR.


*qabatiR sago grub


PMP     *qabatiR sago grub     [doublet: *qabateR]

Ilokano abátira grub that attacks wood, bamboo, etc.
Penchal kahItsago grub
Lenkau kehetrsago grub
Pak kehersago grub
Loniu hetsago grub
Ere ehetsago grub
Titan aetsago grub

Note:   Also Ilokano bátir ‘a kind of larva, white worm’, batir-en ‘plant disease caused by the bátir’, Nauna kahek ‘sago grub’.


*qa(m)bej wind around


PWMP     *qa(m)bej wind around     [doublet: *Ra(m)bej]

Bikol ambódto wrap; to band, bandage
Malay (h)ambatnoose at the deck-end of a boat's stays
Balinese ambedstrap, girth (horse)

Note:   With root *-bej ‘wind around repeatedly’.


*qabi take hold of, grasp


POC     *qabi take hold of, grasp     [disjunct: *ampi]

Gedaged abitake hold of, grab, seize, grasp, clutch, take
Numbami -ambihold, get, take
Kilivila kabihold, take hold of
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka abitake hold of something, grasp something


*qabin hold or carry under the arm


PMP     *qabin hold or carry under the arm

Maranao abincarry on or near the stomach
Alas abinhug a child who is cold
Karo Batak abinhold in the lap, hold or carry against the bosom
  abin-abin-enthe lap
Rejang ambinshawl for carrying infant on back or at waist
Old Javanese (h)awinbear, bring along (weapon, insignia, betel set), of someone escorting a person of rank
Balinese abinhold in the lap
Banggai abincarry in the arms
Uma -awiput in the lap
Muna ghawilap, hold in the lap
Palauan ʔ-il-ablcarried under the arm
  ʔa-ʔabl(mother and child) walk together, with child carried under mother's arm
Bugotu avin-icarry in the arms
Nggela avicarry a child under the arm
Sa'a äpihold under the arm, hold close to the body


PWMP     *meŋ-qabin hold or carry under the arm

Karo Batak ŋ-abinhold or carry in the lap
Banggai maŋ-abincarry in the arms
  moŋ-obin-itake in the arms
Palauan məŋ-ablcarry under the arm

Note:   Also Maranao aben ‘hold in the lap’, Kenyah (Long Wat) bin ‘carry on the back’, Melanau (Mukah) bin ‘carry on the back’. Toba Batak abiŋ ‘carry in the lap; carry off a woman by force’, abiŋ-an ‘lap, place where one carries a child’, Nggela avih-i ‘carry a child under the arm’. Although the gloss given to this form is justified by very similar meanings in both WMP and OC languages, an essential part of the meaning in PWMP appears to have been a condition that the contact between thing carried and person carrying was on or near the lower abdomen.


*qabiq finished, used up; all, every one


PWMP     *qabiq finished, used up; all, every one     [doublet: *qabis]

Rungus Dusun avifinished, used up
Kadazan Dusun avidwindle away, finish
  mag-avito finish completely, consume, use up, exhaust, spend
  ŋa-aviall, every, everything
Murut (Tagol) ka-awiʔall
Miri m-abiʔto finish
Iban ambihfinished
Proto-Chamic *abihall
Acehnese habéhfinished, done, at an end

Note:   Also Javanese kabéh ‘(in) all, every one’.


*qabis finished, used up; all, every one


PWMP     *qabis finished, used up; all, every one     [doublet: *qabiq]

Kelabit abilast one
  abi-abiall, evey one
  ŋ-abito finish
Iban abiseveryone, all, the whole, entirely; finished, used up
Malay habisdone with; all used up; finished off
Old Javanese (h)awisfinished, completely gone

Note:   Also Sangir kebiʔ ‘all, every’.


*qabqab to eat or drink voraciously (derogatory)


PPh     *qabqab to eat or drink voraciously (derogatory)

Ilokano um-abʔábto drink while kneeling (from a faucet); to drink from the palms of the hands; to drink without a cup
Ibaloy abʔab-ento swill, gulp, drink copious drafts of a liquid, perhaps loudly (as water, gin); also can apply to a person who eats voraciously out of hunger
Tausug mag-abʔabto eat or drink voraciously (derogatory, connotes criticism or anger)

Note:   Also Aklanon hábhab ‘to eat sloppily and hurriedly’, Cebuano habháb ‘for pigs to eat; for people to eat (derogatory), Manobo (Western Bukidnon) habhab ‘of a person, to eat as an animal eats without the use of hands, used only in a derogatory or joking sense; of a pig, to eat in its characteristic manner’, Tausug habhab ‘to eat or drink voraciously’.


*qabu ash, cinder, powder


PAN     *qabu ash, cinder, powder

Kavalan ibuashes
Saisiyat ʔaeboashes, powder
Proto-Atayalic *qabu-lidashes
Pazeh abuashes
Amis ʔafoashes; fertilizer
Favorlang/Babuza aboashes or cinders; lime
Bunun (Isbukun) Xabuashes
Bunun (Takituduh) qabuash (Li 1988)
Siraya (Gravius) avoash
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Havuashes
  kaR-Havu-Havuashy (of color)
Paiwan qavuashes; betel lime


PMP     *qabu ash, hearth, cinder, powder, dust; gray

Itbayaten avoashes, ash (which can be used as soap)
Ilokano áboash-gray; cock with gray plumage and reddish tail
Isneg abóashes
  ab-abóthe powder that covers the body of locusts
Itawis ahúash
Bontok ʔabúashes which settle after something is burned; dust which settles after pounding rice or cleaning something
Kankanaey abódust (used instead of abé in mourning songs)
Casiguran Dumagat abúfireplace, ashes, stove
Ayta Maganchi abuhashes
Kapampangan abúashes
Tagalog abóashes
Bikol abóash, cinder
Inati aboash
Aklanon abó(h)ash(es); to make ashes
Kalamian Tagbanwa kabuash
Palawan Batak ʔáboashes
Cebuano abúashes
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) avufireplace; stove
Tiruray ʔawewashes
Kalagan abuashes
Bisaya (Lotud) awuash
Kadazan Dusun t-avuash
  man-avu-nspread ashes in the nursery
Tatana abuash
Kujau tavuash
Minokok tavuʔash
Supan avuash
Bisaya (Lotud) awuashes
Basap abuash
Tabun aboash
Kelabit abuhashes
Berawan (Long Terawan) akkuhashes
Dali' abawash
Kenyah abuash, stove
Kenyah (Long Wat) avewashes
  umaʔ avewkitchen
Murik abuʔashes from the cooking fire; hearth
Kayan avoʔfireplace, hearth
Bintulu avəwashes, dust
Melanau Dalat (Kampung Teh) abəwash
Bukat avuashes
Delang habuash
Iban abudust, fine ash
Salako abuash
Tsat phə¹¹ashes
Moken kaboidust on road, dirt, ashes
Malay (h)abuash; powder produced by combustion; "ash-colored", as a descriptive name for animals
Talaud avuash
Simalur afukitchen, hearth, cooking place
  afu-afufireplace for warming women after childbirth
Karo Batak r-abu-abuplay in the dust
  abuash, dust
Nias hawufine ash, as cigarette ash; remainder, sweepings, rubbish, dust, powder
Mentawai abuwhite ash
Sundanese hawufireplace, hearth, overn
Old Javanese (h)awuash, ashes
Javanese awuash
Balinese abuashes, earth mixed with ash; cigar-ash; dirt; dust, powder
Sasak au-auash
Proto-Sangiric *abuashes, dust
Sangir awuash
Proto-Minahasan *abuash, dust
Mongondow abuash, hearth, cooking place (part of the house)
Gorontalo wahuashes from the hearth
Petapa Taje avuash
Bare'e awuash, dust
Tae' auash
  punti aukind of banana that is grayish when unripe
Mori Atas avuashes
Padoe avuash
Moronene avuash
Proto-South Sulawesi *a(b)udust, ashes
Makassarese abu-abugray (of substances)
  auash, dust
Muna ghabukitchen; ashes
Palauan ʔabashes; fireplace; hearth
  ʔəbú-lits ashes
  ʔəbə-ʔabdust (especially under house)
Chamorro apuash -- the remaining substance of what was burned
Bimanese awuash, remainder of something that has been burnt; hearth
Manggarai awuash
Ngadha avudust, powder, earth, ash
  da avuash gray
Keo awu-awuash
Li'o awuash
Sika ʔawunative cooking place; hearth; ash; gray
  ʔawu-ʔareŋburned to ash
  awu-ŋash gray
Kambera auhearth; ash; ash-colored, gray
Hawu awudust; gray, blue
  awu raʔuash
Dhao/Ndao ahu-ahuashes
Rotinese afuash, dust; in combining forms: ash-colored, gray
Leti awuash
Wetan awiashes, dust
Selaru afu-rehearth
Yamdena afuash; hearth
Soboyo afuash
Waropen awuhearth, ash
Papuma wavuash
Woi wabuash
Serui-Laut wawuash


POC     *qapu ashes, dust

Munggui wabuash
Lou kɔpdust (open 'o')
Mussau auash
Tolai kăbuashes, dust, cinders; grey, dusty (a with breve)
Vitu havu-havudust
  havufireplace, hearth
Gitua avu-avuash
Suau ʔahuash
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka avuashes
Tubetube kauashes
Malmariv mam-avuashes


PWMP     *ma-qabu covered with ashes; ashen, gray

Itbayaten ma-avoashy
Kelabit m-abuhdusty, covered with dust or ashes
Kenyah m-abudusty
Malagasy m-avobrown; grey?
Old Javanese ma-hawusmear oneself with ash?
Gorontalo ma-ahuburned up, turned to ash
Bare'e ma-awuextremely numerous, as grains of dust
Palauan mə-ʔab(atmostphere, view) dim/blurred; grayish


PWMP     *maŋ-qabu cover with ashes, put ashes on

Kelabit ŋ-abuhmake dusty, cover with ashes or dust
Bintulu məŋ-avəwcover with ashes
Old Javanese aŋ-hawubecome ashes
Javanese ŋ-awuscatter ashes onto
Palauan məŋ-ábput ashes on, get ashes in


PWMP     *paR-qabu-an place of ashes

Itbayaten pi-avo-anash tray
Javanese p-awo-nkitchen
Sasak p-ao-nkitchen


PWMP     *q<in>abu was covered with ashes

Kelabit n-abuhwas covered with ashes or dust
Old Javanese h-in-awu-hawumake into powder
Palauan ʔ-əl-abhad ashes put on


PAN     *qabu-an place of ashes; hearth

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Havu-anhearth
Paiwan qavu-qavu-anstove, three-stone fireplace for cooking
Itbayaten avo-anscatter ashes, put ash to
Kapampangan abw-anscour using ash
Tagalog ábuh-anash-tray, ashcan, table stove
Cebuano al-abúh-anstove or any place a fire for cooking is built
Tae' au-anbecome covered with dust (after sitting long in one place)


PWMP     *qabu-en (gloss uncertain)

Tagalog abuh-ínclean (something) with ashes; ashy, gray or grayish
Bikol aboh-óngray; a grayish colored chicken
Aklanon abuh-óngray, ashen color(ed)
Cebuano abúh-unash-colored
  manuk ŋa abuhungray-colored cock
Old Javanese awu-hawu-n-enreduced to ashes? in a state of decay?

Note:   Also Nias awu ‘ash; hearth, kitchen’, Balinese awu ‘ashes, dust’, Balinese awon ‘ashes, ash’, Sasak abu ‘ash; ash-gray (specifically of carrier-pigeons)’, Sasak awu ‘ash from firewood in the kitchen’, Leti apu ‘ash’, Manam apoaŋ ‘fireplace, ashes’. *qabu is among the most widespread and stable morphemes in the Austronesian family. It referred to ashes, and prototypically to the ashes in the fireplace (hence its recurrent replacement of PMP *dapuR in the meaning ‘hearth’). Dyen (1953:29) erred doubly in positing *abuh, the erroneous initial following from his acceptance of Dempwolff's use of Tongan efu ‘ash’ (actually a reflex of *dapuR), and the erroneous final from his overconfidence in the evidentiary value of thematic -/h/ in the Tagalic languages.

Apart from the meanings given here it is likely that some form of *qabu was used to designate a type of plumage for domestic fowls in PPh (cf. Ilokano ábo ‘cock with gray plumage and reddish tail’, Cebuano manuk ŋa abúhun ‘gray-colored cock’), and perhaps in PWMP (cf. Sasak abu ‘ash-gray, specifically of carrier pigeons’). Finally, both the reduplication of *qabu in various daughter languages, and forms assigned to *paR-qabu-an here may be products of convergence. The same explanation probably accounts for the agreement of Kenyah (Long Wat) umaʔ avew ‘kitchen’ with Kambera uma aü ‘cooking place, place of the hearth fire’.


*qabu qabu fish sp.


PWMP     *qabu qabu fish sp.

Cebuano abuábufish sp.
Banjarese anakan habuminute young of the murrel (Ophiocephalus striatus)
Malay (Jakarta) ikan abu-abufish sp.
Pendau avu-avukind of ocean fish


*qabud strew, scatter, sprinkle


PWMP     *qabud strew, scatter, sprinkle     [disjunct: *qambuR]

Cebuano ábudthrow grains to; drop grains into ahole in planting
Maranao abodfeed by casting grains, as to fowls
Javanese awurscattered; to scatter (as sand or rice grains)

Note:   Sundanese awur ‘strewing; to strew, scatter’ is assumed to be a borrowing from Javanese.


*qabug dust


PWMP     *qabug dust     [doublet: *qabuk]    [disjunct: *abuR]

Cebuano abúgdust; become dusty; turn into dust
Manobo (Dibabawon) abugdust
Malay (h)abokpowdery stuff; dust; chaff
Javanese awugcrumbled fine (of soil preparatory to planting)


*qabuk dust, sawdust


PMP     *qabuk dust, sawdust     [doublet: *apuk]

Tagalog abókthin dust; cinder; powder
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) eliy-avukdust; of dust, to fly or be stirred up
Manobo (Tigwa) ali-abukdust
Bintulu avuksawdust
Melanau (Mukah) abuktiny ash-like particles in the air (as from sago flour that is too dry)
Malagasy maŋ-àvokadried up, dusty
Iban abokmess, shavings, sawdust, dust, padi bran
Malay (h)abokpowdery stuff; dust; chaff; pollen; speck of dust; sawdust
Acehnese abōʔmould, dust, grit, sawdust, scrapings
Sundanese hawukdrab, ash-gray
Old Javanese brata hawukpenance in ashes?
  a-hawukgrey, ash-grey
Javanese abukpowder
Sasak awuk-awukash
Banggai abukfireplace, hearth
Adonara ka-awukashes


POC     *qapuk dust

Lou kɔpdust
Arosi sahudust, sawdust
  sahu-adust, sawdust, decayed wood


PPh     *alik-qabuk dust

Casiguran Dumagat alik-abukdust (as the dust thrown up by a passing truck)
Ilongot (Kakiduge:n) alik-abukdust
Tagalog alik-abókdust (rising and falling upon surfaces)
Manobo (Dibabawon) alik-ábukdust

Note:   Also Bintulu abuk ‘sawdust’, Tongan afu-afu ‘fine drizzling rain’. With root *-buk₁ ‘decay, crumble; powder’.

Although reflexes of *qabu ‘ash’ and *qabuk ‘dust’ clearly are distinct in languages which preserve final consonants, the inclusion of Oceanic reflexes under *qabuk rather than *qabu is based entirely on semantic fit. Whereas *qabu evidently referred to ashes, and prototypically to the ashen residue in the hearth, *qabuk evidently designated a range of fine particulate matter produced without combustion (despite occasional semantic cross-over, as in the Sasak and Banggai reflexes). Although only the meanings ‘dust’ and ‘sawdust’ can be justified by the glosses of cognates in primary branches of MP, the meaning ‘powder’ can be added for PWMP. Consideration of the root *-buk₁ suggests further that PMP *qabuk probably referred additionally to the powder produced by weevil-infested, or decaying wood. Finally, Richardson (1885) cites Malagasy maŋ-àvoka under hávoka, but with a question mark indicating uncertainty regarding the shape of the unaffixed stem.


*qábut to reach, overtake, catch up with


PPh     *qábut to reach, overtake, catch up with

Ilokano ma-ábutto reach; understand; overtake
  ábutreach, be within one's reach, overtake, understand
Bontok ʔabutto finish off, of work
Casiguran Dumagat abútcome together, reach, meet, overtake or catch up with someone on the trail
Ibaloy on-abotto come to, arrive at, reach somewhere (as before it gets dark)
Pangasinan ábotcatch up (with)
Ayta Abellan abotto move forward or upward in order to touch something; to reach a point in time, or a certain state or level; to reach a destination, arrive by movement or progress
Kapampangan ábutto reach; hand something to someone
Tagalog ábotovertaken, abreast with
  ábut-ábotcontinuous (as chain smoking)
  abótreach; within reach, the extent or distance of reaching; power; capacity; range; distance a gun can shoot
  i-abótto hand something to another
Bikol abótarrive, come, reach
  mag-abótto arrive, come, reach
Hanunóo ʔábutreach, reaching, as with the hand; arriving
Aklanon abótarrive, get to one's destination, go as far as; catch up (with/to); overcome by, overwhelmed
  ábota late-comer to dinner (or any meal)
Kalamian Tagbanwa kabutarrive
Agutaynen k<om>abotto arrive at, or reach, a destination
Hiligaynon abútarrive, reach, come to
Cebuano abútarrive, reach a place; have a feeling come over one; be overtaken; come to an orgasm
Manobo (Dibabawon) abutarrive at, reach; come to pass, happen; of crops, to ripen
Mansaka abotarrive; yield (as from a farm crop)


PPh     *i-qábut (gloss uncertain)

Ilokano y-ábutto bring within one's reach, to hand
Ibaloy i-abotaccessory, to arrive with something
Tagalog i-abótto hand something to another
Bikol i-abótto pass something (as to pass the salt)


PPh     *q<um>-ábut to reach, attain

Ilokano um-ábutto reach; be sufficient (until next harvest season, etc.; to be able to catch up with
Tagalog um-abótto attain; to arrive at; to reach


PPh     *qábut-an (gloss uncertain)

Ibaloy abot-anto overtake, catch up with someone or something
Tagalog abut-ánto hand someone something


PPh     *qábut-en to reach, catch up with

Casiguran Dumagat abut-ənto catch up with
Ibaloy abot-ento reach, come to a place (also, of time, to be around long enough to see something, reach the end of something (as the end of one’s work before quitting time)
Tagalog abut-into reach for; overtake (someone) or find (someone or something) upon reaching a place
Bikol abot-ónto attain, catch up to, reach, be reached


PPh     *ma-qábut within reach (?)

Ilokano ma-ábutto reach, be within one's reach, overtake, understand
Cebuano ma-abútcan be done, reached

Note:   Also Hanunóo áput ‘reach, reaching, as with the hand; arriving’, Hawu abo, abu ‘meet, come across, encounter’. Central Sama um-abut ‘extend, stretch, be enough’, ta-abut ‘be reached, overtaken’ are assumed to be borrowings from a Central Philippine language.


*qaCay liver


PAN     *qaCay liver

Pazeh ʔasayliver
Sakizaya qaCayliver
Amis ʔatayliver
Bunun qatađliver
  qatađ babupork liver
Saaroa ʔaciʔiliver
Proto-Rukai *aθayliver
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaTayliver
Paiwan qatsayliver


PMP     *qatay liver; seat of the emotions, inner self: core, mind, will, desire, feeling, intelligence, understanding; to want or wish; hollow of the palm of the hand or sole of the foot; pith, as of bamboo

Itbayaten atayliver, nature (disposition)
Malaweg agtáyliver
Kankanaey áteyliver
Kapampangan áteliver
Tagalog atáyliver; arch of the sole of the foot
Hanunóo ʔatáyliver
Inati atayliver
Bantuqanon atayliver
Aklanon atáyliver (of animals or people)
  in-atáyliver disease
Hiligaynon atáyliver
Palawan Batak ʔatáyliver
Cebuano atáyliver; liver as the seat of emotions
  atay-átaythe hollow or fleshy part of the palm and its analogue in the foot
Maranao atayliver, seat of emotions, heart
Subanen/Subanun gatailiver
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) ateyliver
Mansaka atayliver
Maguindanao átayliver
Klata uttoyliver
Bonggi atiliver
Tboli katayliver
Belait atayliver
Basap ateliver
Kelabit ateliver
  ate budukheart
  ate ruaʔlungs
Berawan (Long Terawan) atayliver
Berawan (Long Teru) atayliver
Kenyah atayliver
  atay baplungs
Kenyah (Long Ikang) atayliver
Penan (Long Lamai) atayliver
Kayan ateyliver
Kayan (Long Atip) atayliver
Melanau (Mukah) atayliver
Bukat ateʔliver
Lahanan atayliver
Seru atoyheart
Ngaju Dayak ataeiheat, soul, sentiment (figuratively: the heart in love)
Paku ateliver
Malagasy atythe liver, the inside
Iban atiheart, feeling, mind, disposition
Maloh ateliver
Cham tailiver
Jarai hetayliver
Rhade atieliver; plant pith
Moken katayliver
Malay hatiheart; core; seat of certain feelings. Anatomically the "blood-eagle" made up of liver (limpa), gall (hempedu) and heart proper (jantoŋ hati, buah hati); commonly hati is 'heart' as the seat of emotion and also of one's secret thoughts; hati is used by mystics in the sense almost of character or human nature; but hati is used most commonly in the sense of active feeling in contrast to mere passive sensation; cf. 'to feel cool' (badan sejok) and 'to keep cool' (hati sejok)
  hati taŋanhollow of palm of hand
Talaud ateliver
Karo Batak ateliver; figuratively, the seat of emotions, will, and desire
  ate-ateout of one's own volition, impulse, or fancy
Toba Batak ate-ateliver. In Batak psychology this is the seat of perception and emotion; for this reason ateate is often synonymous with roha (in Germanic languages: heart)
  par-ate-ateirascible, irritable
Simalungun Batak atei-ateiliver
Nias ateliver
Mentawai atäiliver
Sundanese hateheart, mind, inner self; intelligence, understanding
  buah hatefruit of my heart = lover
  lɨtik hateafraid, alarmed ( = 'small heart')
Old Javanese (h)atia part of the body: liver?; heart as seat of feelings; be inclined, feel like, want
  tan pa-hatilose one's spirit (heart); be distracted, disconsolate
  aŋ-atipay attention to, bear in mind
  ati-atigive one's full (undivided) attention
Javanese atiheart, mind; core, pith; soft inner pith of a stalk; hard core, e.g. of a pineapple (Horne 1974); pith of bamboo (Pigeaud 1938); fleshy part of the hand/foot at the base of the fingers/toes
Madurese ateliver
  keneʔ atediscouraged ( = 'small liver')
  panas ateangry ( = 'hot liver')
Balinese atiliver; mind, soul, heart, desire, will
  ati-atidesire passionately
Sasak ateliver; in many metaphorical expressions the equivalent of 'heart' in Germanic languages; inside, the heart of palms, etc.
  ate-atepith of bamboo
Sumbawanese ateliver
Proto-Sangiric *atayliver
Sangir ateliver
Proto-Minahasan *ateliver
Tonsea ateliver
Tondano ateliver
Tontemboan ateliver; heart, mind, mental condition
  ate-nathe inner part of some things (e.g. ate-na im bale 'the inner part of a house', ate-na im cayu 'the pith of wood')
  ate peralung
  maka-ateunderstand, suppose, take to heart
  ma-ateperceive, become aware of, feel
  ka-ate-antaken to heart
Ponosakan atoyliver
Dondo ateliver
  ate bulalungs
Tialo ateliver
  ate buraheart
Dampelas wate buntalungs
Banggai ateliver
Uma ateliver
Tae' ateliver, in death-songs
  ke-ate-ateliver-like, resembling a liver
Mori Atas ateliver
Bungku ateliver
Koroni ateliver
Wawonii ateliver
Kulisusu ateliver
Moronene ateliver
Mandar ateliver; truly
Buginese ateliver
Makassarese ateliver, the inner self, seat of the emotions
  ate riŋaŋ(lit. 'light liver') lung
Wolio ateliver, heart, seat of the emotions, mind
Bonerate ateliver
Muna ghateliver
Popalia ateliver
Palauan ʔadliver
Bimanese adeliver, inner part; inside; want, wish, desire
  ade eɗisole of the foot/leg
  ade rimapalm of the hand
Komodo ateliver
  beti ateangry ( = 'sick liver')
Manggarai atiliver
Rembong atiliver
  ati-rak(lit. 'liver-lungs') brain, mind, thoughts
Ngadha ateliver; sense, mind, opinion, understanding, desire, emotion, feeling, will, intention, affection; obligation; prosperity; conviction
  ate fasatisfied, satisfaction ( = 'cool liver')
  ate apimiddle of the hearth
Li'o ateliver
Lamaholot ate-nliver
Kédang ate-nliver
Kodi ateliver
Lamboya ateliver
Anakalangu atiliver
Kambera etiliver, inner self, seat of the emotions, heart
  màrahu etisad, sorrowful ( = 'small liver')
  tau daŋu etiman with much heart: wise man, man with much insight
  eti-ŋuhave concern for, intend to
Hawu adeliver
  hedui deni-adegrief, sorrow ( = 'sorrow on the liver')
Dhao/Ndao adeliver
Rotinese ate-kliver, or figuratively heart of man or animal
  kapa-a ate-ba-nheart and lungs of a carabao together
Tetun ate-nliver
Vaikenu atɛ-fliver
Galoli ate-rliver
Waima'a ataliver
Erai ate-(n)liver
Kisar akiliver
Leti atiheart in the literal sense
  ina atifish heart; also in a figurative sense
Wetan atiheart, liver, milt, spleen, lungs
  ati wori(lit. 'liver two') lungs, heart and liver, milt and lungs, etc.
Yamdena ateliver
Fordata yata-nliver
Kei yata-nliver
Kola ataliver
Ujir ataliver
Dobel sataliver
Geser atliver
Bobot yata-nliver
Masiwang yata-nliver
Asilulu ata-spleen
Kayeli atlungs
Soboyo ateliver
Kowiai/Koiwai lataliver
Buli yatayliver
Minyaifuin atayliver
Dusner te-nliver
Kurudu ateliver
Nauna kate-liver
Lou karI-liver
Penchal kare-heart
Loniu etIheart
Andra ate-liver
Likum ate-heart
Ponam are-liver
Sori are-heart
Lindrou ade-heart
Bipi ate-heart
Seimat ate-liver
Aua aʔe-heart
Tigak yatliver
Nalik i-atliver
Mendak katliver
Tanga eteliver or solar plexus, the seat of the emotions
Tolai katliver
Bali (Uneapa) ghate-liver
Arop kate-liver
Amara kat-kateliver
Lakalai hate-liver or solar plexus (seat of emotion); internal organs in general; sometimes spleen
  la hate-la mamasihe is angry ( = 'his liver is burning')
  la hate-la ragahe is startled ( = 'his liver leaps')
  la hate kuruliver
  la hate malailai, la hate makilakilalungs
Tarpia yate-dauliver
Kairiru ate-heart
Kis ateliver
Ali ati-liver
Gedaged ate-nheart (as will), the center of one's being; loyalty; surface, plane, area, breast, compound, floor
  nie-n ate-nthe sole of his foot
  nima-n ate-nthe palm of his hand
Mbula kete-liver; chest; place of feelings, conscience (used in many expressions describing emotional states)
Gitua ateliver; chest
  ate-ŋgu yayapI am angry, frustrated ( = 'my liver is in pain')
  ate-ŋgu mutuI am surprised ( = 'my liver is broken')
Yabem atêliver
Numbami ate-liver
Ubir ate-liver
Gapapaiwa kate-kateliver
Suau ʔateliver
Keapara aeliver
Sinaugoro ɣateliver
Motu aseliver
Mekeo (East) aʔeliver
Kilivila kate-lung
Dobuan ʔate-naliver
Molima ʔate-da-yainside ourselves
Saliba kateliver
Tubetube kateliver; center of life, emotions, etc.
Misima ateliver
Papapana mu-ate-naliver
Piva evi-ateliver
Uruava ate-liver
Torau ate-laliver
Takuu ateliver
Luangiua ateliver
Mono-Alu atechest, breast; liver
Bugotu ate-ñaliver
Nggela ateliver
Kwaio lae-fouliver
  lae-fula, lae-fulolungs and heart (conceived of as a single unit)
  lae-gu ka liaI was angry
Marau₂ rae-nusu-liver
Lau saethe core of a thing; carcass skinned, feathers removed; meat of an egg; peeled yam or orange; kernel of nut; think, suppose
'Āre'āre rae-nastomach, heart, liver, lungs, womb, mind, seat of affections, intention, will
  rae-kuI want, like
  rae nisu-na, rae ʔohuʔohu-nalung
  rae hitari-aunderstand
  rae-na e taʔabe angry ( = 'his liver is wrong/bad/evil')
Sa'a saeheart, mind, liver, lungs, chest
  sae hutohutolungs ( = 'frothing liver')
  sae esoesofeel indignation; know, know how to, to name, give a name to (used in many expressions relating to mental or emotional states)
Arosi saea man, homo; mind, heart, thought; only in phrases
  sae-naliver of a pig
Bauro saeheart
Sikaiana ateliver
Kosraean acsliver; gallbladder; blood clot, clotted blood
Marshallese ajliver; spleen; seat of bravery
Pohnpeian ehliver
Mokilese oajliver
Woleaian yasliver
  yase-shyour liver
Sonsorol-Tobi yade-lungs
Pileni ateliver
Raga ate-liver
Makatea ateliver
Rotuman äfeliver
Fijian yate-nathe liver, considered as the seat of cowardice and courage, hence yate levu 'coward' ( = 'big liver'), yate dei, yate lialia 'courageous' ( = 'firm, unwavering/mad, foolish liver')
Tongan ʔateliver
Niue ateliver
  ate-loa, ate-pilispleen
Samoan ateliver
Tuvaluan ateliver
Kapingamarangi adeliver
Rennellese ʔateliver
Anuta ateliver
Rarotongan ateliver of man or animals or birds
  ate mamalungs
Maori ateliver; the seat of the affections; heart; emotion; spirit, high feeling
Rapanui ateliver
Hawaiian akeliver; to desire, yearn (the emotions and intelligence were thought to be centered within the body)
  ake māmālungs


PMP     *qatay-an (gloss uncertain)

Tontemboan ate-anconscience
Banggai ate-andeep
Mussau atealiver


PMP     *buaq ni qatay heart (figurative); term of endearment

Jarai boh hetayheart (anatomical)
Malay buah hatiheart, in contrast to aorta -- both literally and as a term of endearment
Sundanese buah hatefruit of the heart ( = 'apple of the eye; sweetheart')
Kei wua-n yata-nheart


PMP     *qalap qatay (lit. 'fetch the liver') capture someone's fancy

[Malay ambil hati(lit. 'fetch the liver') loveable]
[Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-ambil hati(lit. 'fetch the liver') win someone's affection]
Sundanese ŋala hate(lit. 'fetch the liver') win someone's affection
Madurese ŋalaʔ ate(lit. 'fetch the liver') win someone's affection
Ngadha ala go ate(lit. 'fetch the liver') win someone's affection


POC     *qate qate calf of the leg

Marshallese ajajcalf of leg
Tongan ʔate ʔi vaʔecalf (of the leg)
Samoan ate-vaecalf (of leg)
Rennellese ʔate baʔecalf of leg, esp. back side of the calf
Maori ate-atecalf of the leg


PWMP     *qulu ni qatay pit of the stomach

Cebuano báʔbaʔ sa atáy(lit. 'mouth in the liver') pit of the stomach
Malay hulu hati(lit. 'head of the liver') pit of the stomach
Sundanese hulu hatepit of the stomach
Makassarese ulu ateabdominal region


PMP     *X₁ + qatay (lit. 'big liver') brave, courageous; proud, arrogant

Iban ati besai(lit. 'big liver') boastful, talking big
Malay besar hati(lit. 'big liver') presumption
Sundanese gedé hate(lit. 'big liver') intrepid; dare to do something
  gede tɨiŋ hatereckless, presumptuous
Madurese raja ate(lit. 'big liver') presumption
Palauan ŋ klou a ʔədəŋal əl ʔad(lit. 'the man has a big liver') He's a brave man
Ngadha ate méze(lit. 'big liver') proud, haughty, arrogant
Kambera bokulu eti(lit. 'big liver') pleased, satisfied; proud, arrogant, haughty
Tetun ema ate-n boot(lit. 'person with big liver') a brave person
Kei yata-n lāi(lit. 'big liver') proud, haughty, arrogant
Rarotongan ate-nui(lit. 'big liver') term used to denote a brave, stout-heared and courageous person: also used when referring to or speaking of a person who is arrogant, cheeky or impudent


PMP     *X₂ + qatay (lit. 'burning liver') angry, furious

Malay bakar hati(lit. 'burning liver') angry emotion
Toba Batak m-ohop ate-ate(lit. 'burning liver') become angry
Lakalai la hate-la mamasi(lit. 'his liver is burning') he is angry


PMP     *X₃ + qatay (lit. 'rotten liver') full of malice

Malay busok hati(lit. 'rotten liver') ill-nature; malice; dirty feelings
Ngadha ate zéé(lit. 'rotten liver') take everything the wrong way, quickly offended


PMP     *X₄ + qatay (lit. 'sick/hurt liver') resentful, offended

Malay sakit hati(lit. 'sick/painful liver') resentment; annoyance; anger; ill-will
Sundanese ñeri hate(lit. 'painful liver') grief, sorrow, heartache
Madurese sakeʔ ate(lit. 'sick/painful liver') resentment; annoyance; anger; ill-will
Komodo beti ate(lit. 'sick/painful liver') angry
Kambera hídu eti(lit. 'sick/painful liver') heartsick, offended, hurt; disgruntled
Gitua ate-ŋgu yayap(lit. 'my liver is hurt/in pain') I am angry, frustrated


PMP     *X₅ + qatay (lit. 'small liver') afraid

Malay kechil hati(lit. 'small liver') feel sore; bear a grudge
Sundanese lɨtik hate(lit. 'small liver') afraid, alarmed
Madurese keneʔ ate(lit. 'small liver') feel sore; bear a grudge
Ngadha ate kedhi(lit. 'small liver') careworn, worried; faint-hearted; envious, jealous
Kambera màrahu eti(lit. 'small liver') afraid; sad, sorrowful


PMP     *X₆ + qatay (lit. 'white liver') pure-hearted

Mansaka mapotiʔ na ataykind heart; tender heart (lit. 'white liver')
Malay puteh hatisincerity
Madurese pote ate(lit. 'white liver') upright, honest
Motu ase kuro tau-na(lit. 'man with a white liver') a brave man, one not afraid

Note:   Also Isneg agtáy ‘liver’, Casiguran Dumagat agtë ‘liver’, Ifugaw alte ‘liver’, Bontok agtéy ‘liver’, Pangasinan altéy ‘liver’, Sambal (Botolan) ágtay ‘liver’, Bikol katóy ‘liver’, Iban atau ‘liver, heart’, Makassarese ati ‘inner self, courage, heart’; ati-ati ‘heart-shaped; do one's best’, Numfor kè-n ‘liver’, Banoni date ‘liver’, Gilbertese ato ‘liver; clot of blood, clotted blood’. For reasons that remain unclear, most members of the Cordilleran and Central Luzon subgroups of Philippine languages (Blust 1991) reflect *qaRtay; although *-R- in these reflexes appears to be infixed, it has no identifiable meaning. Similar phonological problems are found with some other forms (e.g. PPh *qaRta; reflexes of *qata ‘outsiders, alien people’), but in most cases a doublet can be reconstructed.

A number of other interesting problems are connected with this form, including the following:

1)Dempwolff reconstructed *qatay ‘liver’, but it is clear that this term had a cultural importance greatly transcending simple reference to the physical organ. Many attested glosses refer to the liver as the inner self, the seat of the emotions, will, and desire and mind, in short as the cultural equivalent of the metaphorical ‘heart’ in Indo-European languages. The absence of competing reconstructions for such essential verbal notions as ‘to think’, ‘to feel’, and ‘to desire’ is also consistent with a hypothesis that *qaCay whether alone, affixed, or in combination with other free morphemes, represented these meanings;

2) nominal compounds or descriptive phrases which make use of the morpheme for ‘liver’ as the metaphorical ‘heart’ sometimes show a similar semantic structure cross-linguistically (‘big liver’, ‘burning liver’, ‘white liver’, etc.); examples of such usages are cited here if a fairly clear-cut meaning can be reconstructed, even when the complete phonological form is unattainable directly. Undoubtedly, many more expressions relating to the emotions will be reconstructed with *qaCay when more complete descriptive sources become available. No such morphologically complex expressions have been recorded for any Formosan language, but this may simply reflect the rudimentary stage of lexicography in the Formosan field. On the other hand, although the Philippines is lexicographically well-represented, very few compounds with a reflex of *qaCay have been recorded, and, surprisingly, none of these relate to the emotions;

3) PMP *qatay-an is only weakly attested in the data, but is proposed to unite several disparate observations under a single explanation. Next to the meaning ‘liver’ many glosses include the meanings ‘inside, inner part’ and this semantic component of PMP *qatay no doubt lies behind the diachronic change of *dalem ‘in, inside’ to e.g. Ilokano dálem Elat raro Watubela lamno, Alune lale ‘liver’ and Buruese lale-n ‘liver; inside, heart, mind’; lale-t ‘heart, attitude, will’. Similarly, expressions such as Malay dalam hati ‘in one's heart; to oneself, secretly or silently’ (borrowed as Tagalog dalam-hatíʔ ‘extreme sorrow’) appear to be restructurings of *qatay-an with replacement of the suffixed ‘locative focus’ marker by a locative preposition. The expected Mussau form is **ateana, but this form apparently was reanalyzed as /atea/ plus the 3sg. possessive pronoun -/na/, giving rise to a new free form: /atea-gi/ ‘my liver’, /atea-m/ ‘your (sg.) liver’, /atea-na/ ‘his/her/its liver’;

4) even in its purely physical sense there is more to be said about *qaCay than simple reference to the liver. The glosses cited here for Malay, Rembong, Rotinese, Wetan and Kwaio all suggest that the liver was conceived as part of a larger anatomical unit. In all glosses except that of Rembong this larger anatomical unit includes the heart, while in all glosses except that of Malay it includes the lungs. In field elicitation ‘liver’ and ‘heart’ are often confused by Austronesian-speaking informants, probably because in common sacrificial animals such as chickens they are in closer physical proximity to one another than is the case in the human body.

The association of liver and lungs is more subtle. Fox, J. (1974) notes that in Rotinese formal dyadic language (also known as ritual parallelism) many lexical items are paired with at least one ‘linking term’ to form a convention association for purposes of achieving rhetorical effect. Among the entries in his dictionary for which a linking term is given Fox lists ate ‘liver’. The link is ba ‘lungs’, and for the latter also a single linking term is given: ate ‘lungs’. Strikingly, a kind of converse association appears in Simalur of the Barrier Islands west of Sumatra, where PAn *baRaq ‘lungs’ is reflected as bala ‘lung, also: liver’ (Kähler 1961). Whether these agreements indicate that a dyadic link connected *qatay and *baRaq in some type of formal ritual language in PMP, or simply that the liver and lungs were conceived as part of a single larger anatomical unit is unclear, although the apparent absence of comparative evidence for other dyadic sets favors the latter interpretation. Perhaps to be connected with this interpretation are the occasional reflexes of *qaCay meaning ‘intestines’: Sangir tatuno ate ‘intestines, used in maledictory expressions’, Proto-Ambon *(h)ata(y), Lakalai la hate viriviri ‘intestines’.


*qaCeb deadfall trap to catch small mammals


PAN     *qaCeb deadfall trap to catch small mammals

Kavalan itebdeadfall trap
  m-itebto fall into a trap
Saisiyat ʔaesəbdeadfall trap to catch rats (Tsuchida 1976:167)
Bunun hatubdeadfall trap to catch rats (Tsuchida 1976:167)
Bunun (Isbukun) Xatubtrap
Tsou cəfədeadfall trap to catch rats
Saaroa ʔacəvədeadfall trap to catch rats
Bontok ʔátəbtrip-release trap for small aminals
Kankanaey átebrat trap; mouse trap (consisting of a log, lifted on one side and attached so as to come down and crush the animal when it gnaws the bait)
Ifugaw átobdeadfall to crush rats or to capture and possibly kill boars
Bikol atobtrap to catch rats or wild pigs (Tsuchida 1976:167)
Cebuano átubstone prison cell; pile of stones put somewhere to attract fish and crabs and get them where they can readily be found; pit with flimsy top for trapping animals; to trap in a pitfall (e.g. wild pig)
Mansaka atubtrap for wild pigs
Kelabit atebdeadfall trap for small animals such as rats and squirrels

Note:   Also Itbayaten kateb ‘coconut-crab trap’, Sangir atebeʔ ‘bamboo trap for crabs’.


*qaCi ebb, of water in streams


PAN     *qaCi ebb, of water in streams

Kanakanabu ʔ-um-á-ʔacidam up a side stream to catch fish


PMP     *qati ebb, of water in streams; low tide     [doublet: *qeti]

Yami acidry, dry up (as a stream)
Ilokano atídry, evaporated, dried out, waterless. Exhausted in its supply of liquid
Wolio atiland, sandbank, shoal, shallow water; ebb, low tide


PWMP     *ka-qati low tide

Pangasinan kátilow tide; go out, of the tide
Tagalog kátilow tide, low ebb; land not covered by sea
Wolio ka-atishallowness, low tide


PAN     *ma-qaCi ebb, of water in streams; low tide     [doublet: *qeti₁]

Bunun ma-hciʔdam up a side stream to catch fish (Tsuchida 1976)


PMP     *ma-qati ebb, of water in streams; low tide     [doublet: *qeti₁]

Wolio ma-atishallow
Chamorro maʔtelow tide
  maʔte i tasithe sea is at low tide


POC     *maqati ebb tide, dry reef

Lou metreef; dry reef
Loniu matlow tide
Lindrou mekreef; low tide
Bipi makreef
Seimat mattide
Wuvulu maʔilow tide
Mussau matilow tide; dry reef
  poŋa-maticoral reef
Tigak matreef
Vitu ma-hatireef
Lakalai mahatibe out, of the tide; low tide; dry season
Manam matireef
  mati ibaraebb, ebb-tide; low-water (the reef is dry)
Mbula magatlow tide; dry reef
Labu mashallow place in the water
Halia matslow tide
Eddystone/Mandegusu matilow tide
Nggae maɣatireef
Kwaio mailow tide
Lau maiebb tide; reef; dry reef; to ebb
'Āre'āre mailow-tide, ebb-tide
Sa'a mäiebb tide, low tide
Ulawa mäilow spring tides in August
Arosi mailow tide; ebb
Anejom maslow tide
Rotuman mafilow-tide water as containing fish; tide in general
Fijian matito ebb, of the tide, as opposed to the flow; part of the reef exposed at low tide

Note:   Also Kapampangan kati(h) ‘low water-level’, Mansaka atiʔ ‘dry up (of water); evaporate’; Lou ramet ‘reef; dry reef’, Mota meat ‘ebb, low tide’.


*qaCi- prefix variant of the *qali/kali- set


PAN     *qaCi- prefix variant of the *qali/kali- set

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hati-muRmuRgargle
Bontok ʔati-buŋálənrainbow
Kankanaey atim-bayuŋanbumblebee
  ati-ŋayáwanlarge dark brown ant
Bikol atibáŋawhorsefly, botfly; a large blue fly known for its annoying buzzing
Aklanon atipúyoŋfeel faint, be dizzy

Note:   For an explanation of the analysis and function of this affix, which is almost invariably fossilized in the words in which it appears, cf. Blust (2001).


*qaCipa soft-shelled turtle


PAN     *qaCipa soft-shelled turtle

Atayal qesipasoft-shelled turtle: Trionix sinensis sinensis (Tsuchida 1976:266)
Thao qcipasoft-shelled turtle: Amyda sinensis


PWMP     *qantipa type of freshwater turtle

Pangasinan ansipatype of river turtle (Tsuchida1976:291)
Kapampangan antipaanimals like turtles, with larger shells, and stronger
Simalungun Batak antipasea turtle

Note:   Also Saisiyat kaesipaʔ ‘turtle’, Pazeh sipaʔ ‘turtle shell’, Tsou acipa, Bunun qasipa ‘turtle’. Although the comparison of Kapampangan antipa is straightforward, the inclusion of most phonetically similar Formosan forms in this set is problematic. PAn *C normally became Bunun /t/, and is reflected as /s/ only exceptionally (e.g. *CebuS > sibus ‘sugarcane’). Both Saisiyat /s/ and Pazeh /s/ can reflect *C, but Saisiyat kaesipaʔ shows an unexpected initial consonant, and Pazeh sipaʔ shows unexplained loss of the first syllable. Moreover, as noted by Tsuchida (1976:291) the expected Tsou reflex is **cipo.

It thus appears likely that most of the Formosan forms have been borrowed, presumably from some other Formosan source which either no longer exists, or which is yet to be identified. Both this observation and the glosses in languages such as Pazeh and Kapampangan make it more likely that PAn *qaCipa and PMP *qantipa referred to the ocean-dwelling hawksbill turtle, which is prized for its widely-traded shell, than to the economically unimportant land tortoise. If so, *qaCipa was replaced by *keRa/keRa(nŋ) in PCEMP.


*qadaŋ to block, obstruct a path; ambush


PWMP     *qadaŋ to block, obstruct a path; ambush     [doublet: *qalaŋ]

Ilokano qalaŋto block, obstruct, blockade; seize by surprise, ambush, waylay
Agutaynen araŋsomething that is in the way, or purposely placed somewhere as a barrier in order to prevent people, animals, or a flow of water from entering
Malay (h)adaŋblocking the way; lying in wait to intercept, as robbers waylaying travellers, or as an injured husband waiting for his wife’s seducer


*qadep front, facing part


PMP     *qadep front, facing part

Iban adapaspect, position; to face, seek an interview, go before, appear before, present oneself; on the side of, towards
Malay hadapposition facing in two senses: (i) being in front, (ii) presenting oneself before, or waiting on, as a courtier attending his sultan’s receptions
  nasi hadap-hadap-ana ceremonial dish of rice set before a bridal pair when they “sit in state”
Dairi-Pakpak Batak adepbreast
Toba Batak adopfemale breast (polite word used by young women)
Sundanese di hareupbe in front of something or someone
  hareup-eunbe in front of
Old Javanese harepthe front, fore part; to stand before, to wish, desire, be on the point of (about to)
  i harep-ñain front of, in the presence of
  h<um>arepgo forward; stand or move in the direction of; turn towards, face
Balinese harepbe in front, put in front; prefer; to face
  harep-anbefore, in front of; before, in the presence of
Tae' araʔchest, breast
Mandar areʔbelly


POC     *qarop front side; belly (of an animal?)

Likum alo-stomach, belly, abdomen
Kairiru aroin front of (something)
Manam arospace in front
Sa'a saroto face, to turn oneself; breast
Arosi sarospot over the heart on the breast
Tongan ʔaofront (esp. of a person), presence; head of a coin; private parts, genitals
Samoan alosmooth, soft side of a thing (the ‘front’ as opposed to tua the ‘back’ or rougher side); stomach, belly
Tuvaluan alobelly of mammal, ventral area of fish; front of a person, palm of hand, sole of foot
Nukuoro alo-alochest, front (opposite of back); lagoon shore as opposed to seaward reef shore
Rennellese ʔalofront; coastline; front of the human chest; interior; to face towards or come to
  ʔagofront, coastline; front of the human chest
Anuta alo-alobelly inside
Rarotongan arothat which faces toward the front: the front of the body; the main visible sides when turned to view; the foremost part, such as the bow of a canoe
  aro-arothe front of anything; the right side of an article, such as cloth
Maori arofront; to face, turn towards, have a certain direction
  aro-aroface, front
Hawaiian alofront, face, presence, upper surface, as of a bowl

Note:   Also Tongan Ɂalo ‘(of a fish) lower part, belly; also regal for kete, abdomen, stomach’, Niue alo-alo ‘the undersurfaced of anything’ alo-alo hui ‘sole of the foot’, alo-alo lima ‘palm of the hand’, faka-alo ‘cover the ceiling of a house; put the finishing layer on something; put the lining in a garment’.

Mills (1975:615) posits Proto-South Sulawesi *arɨ[p?] ‘chest, belly (i.e. front of the body)’. As he points out, this item may be equivalent to Dempwolff's *qadep ‘front’. An earlier version of this comparison proposed POc *qalo, but this cannot regularly be derived from PMP *qadep, and the improvements in the present set are indebted to the analysis of Osmond and Ross (2016:115).


*qadi that, there


PWMP     *qadi that, there

Balangaw y-adithat (demonstrative)
Kayan aré-hthat; over there
Malagasy arythere, yonder
Toba Batak adithat (demonstrative)

Note:   Given the similar deictic *idi ‘that, there’ (Blust 1980) and the morphological parallel *qani, *ini ‘this, here’, it appears very likely that at some stage in the history of the Austronesian languages this form was analyzable into a generic marker of location *qa and a locative specifier *di.


*qadipen slave


PPh     *qadipen slave     [doublet: *qudipen]

Atta (Pamplona) ajjipan, aripanslave
Gaddang aripanslave
Tagalog alípinslave; serf; a person who is the property of another
  alipín-into treat as a slave
Manobo (Ata) odipanslave
Tboli klifenslave; servant; to enslave someone


(Formosan only)

*qadiS hawk sp. (harrier?)


PAN     *qadiS hawk sp. (harrier?)

Saisiyat ʔæriʃsmall hawk
Paiwan qaḍislarge white hawk, Eastern marsh harrier: Circus aeruginosus spilonotus

Note:   Also Kavalan Rzis ‘crested goshawk’. This term clearly referred to some type of hawk, but the exact referent remains uncertain. PAn *kuaw may also have designated a kind of hawk, so it is very likely that lexical distinctions existed for at least two types of hawk in PAn. Unlike the description given for Paiwan qaḍis, most harriers are small to middle-sized birds of prey, which would fit the description of Saisiyat ʔæris, although no further information is given about its meaning.


*qait copulate; copulation, sexual intercourse


POC     *qait copulate; copulation, sexual intercourse

Gedaged aihave sexual intercourse (also used in respect to animals)
Mbula -yehave sexual intercourse
Gumawana kaitato copulate
Wedau kaitito copulate
Kilivila keita <Asexual intercourse, of people or animals
Mono-Alu aiticopulate (of humans)
Fijian caihave sexual intercourse with: trans. cai-tá
  caito have sexual intercourse with
  cait-ato have sexual intercourse with
Maori ailie with a female; copulate, of both sexes
  ai-tiacopulate with
  ai-taŋaprogeny, descendants
  ait-i-ahave sexual intercourse with
Hawaiian aicoition; to have sexual relations

Note:   Also Iban ait ‘desire, long for, crave, covet’, Lou aIt (< *aetV) ‘copulate, have sexual intercourse’, Gedaged yait ‘fornication’. Ross and Osmond (2016:216-217) propose deriving POc *qait from PMP *ayut, but the etymological connections remain to be firmly established.


*qajaw day


PAN     *qajaw day     [doublet: *qalejaw]

Paiwan qadawsun; day; clock, watch
  pa-qadawput in the sun (to dry); use a burning-glass
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) andewof the weather, to be sunny; day; sun
Bonggi oduday
Kadazan Dusun tadausun, day, weather
Bisaya (Limbang) adawday
Ngaju Dayak andauday (in two senses: period of daylight, and the 24-hour day)
Ma'anyan andrawday
Malagasy androday; daytime; a period
Maloh asoday
Bare'e eosun, day, daylight
  mata eothe disc of the sun, used when eo by itself is not clear enough


POC     *qaco day     [doublet: *qalo₁]

Lusi arosun; day; midday
Lakalai harosun; day; goodday!
Motu ado-atamidday
Gabadi agosun
Papapana na atosun
Cheke Holo ahobe clear and sunny, good weather
Bugotu ahosun
  va-ahodry in the sun
Nggela ahosun; good weather; put in the sun; experience good weather
Lau satosun
'Āre'āre ratosun, sunshine, no rain, good weather
Sa'a satosun, sunshine, fine weather, no rain
Northeast Ambae asosun
Tongan ʔahoday; birthday
Niue ahoday, daylight, morning
  ahoŋ-iabe overtaken by daylight
Samoan asoday, date
Tuvaluan ahoday (24 hour period)
Nukuoro aodaylight
Rennellese ʔasotime, day, season
Anuta aodaytime (as opposed to night), day (as in day of the week)
Rarotongan aothe earth world, the earth region
Maori aodaytime, as opposed to night; world; cloud; dawn; bright
Hawaiian aolight, day, daylight, dawn; to dawn, grow light; enlightened; regain consciousness; cloud; world, earth


PAN     *ma-qajaw sunny, hot

Paiwan ma-qadawthe sun appears; be burned by sun
Bisaya (Limbang) m-adawdaytime
[Kelabit m-edʰomidday]
[Tontemboan ma-endobecome day]
Bare'e ma-eosunny, hot


PAN     *q<um>ajaw to shine, of the sun

Paiwan q-m-adawthe sun shines
[Ifugaw um-algóto shine, of the sun]

Note:   Also Puyuma (Tamalakaw) kadaw ‘sun’, kuR-ka-a-kadaw ‘sun oneself’, Molima ʔasu ‘sun’.


*qajeŋ charcoal


PMP     *qajeŋ charcoal

Bulungan aroŋcharcoal; ember
Kelabit adeŋcharcoal used in blacksmithing
Malagasy árinacharcoal, soot
Jarai hedaŋcharcoal
Rhade hdaŋcharcoal
Moken kayaŋcharcoal
Simalur axeŋcharcoal
Karo Batak ageŋcharcoal
Dairi-Pakpak Batak ageŋcharcoal
Toba Batak agoŋcharcoal
Nias axocharcoal
Lampung haxoŋblack
Old Javanese (h)areŋcharcoal
Javanese areŋcharcoal, carbon
Balinese adeŋcharcoal, carbon; ashes of a cremated body
Sasak adeŋcharcoal
Bare'e ayotree which yields wood that is used for charcoal; the coals made of this wood and used in blacksmithing
Manggarai aseŋcharcoal
Kambera aruŋucharcoal
Leti arnacharcoal
Soboyo ayoŋcharcoal


PMP     *qajeŋ i batu coal, anthracite

[Malay araŋ batucoal]
Javanese areŋ watucoal
Moa aran watg-ecoal, pit-coal

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak aliŋ ‘remains of a cremated corpse’, Iban araŋ ‘charcoal’, Malay araŋ ‘calcined matter; charcoal; soot; coal’, Madurese areŋ ‘charcoal’, Sasak areŋ-areŋ ‘charcoal’, Manggarai haseŋ, Ngadha aro ‘charcoal, powder’, Rotinese kadek ‘soot, sooty’, Lamaholot arén ‘charcoal’, Paulohi arane ‘charcoal’.

Dempwolff (1934-38) included Tagalog aliŋ-asaw (with arbitary morpheme boundary) ‘effusion or emanation of an offensive odor’. However, to date no sure reflex of *qajeŋ has been found in any Philippine language. This item referred to cold charcoal in contrast to *baRa ‘ember’, and in at least two widely separated WMP languages (Kelabit and Bare'e) designated the coals used in blacksmithing.


*qajiS boundary


PAN     *qajiS boundary

Atayal qaisboundary
Bunun haisboundary
Tsou es-aboundary
Kanakanabu ʔais-anəboundary
Saaroa ais-aboundary
Rukai (Maga) agis-nəboundary

Note:   This comparison was first noted in print by Tsuchida (1976:161-62).


*qalad fence, wall


PAN     *qalad fence, wall

Kavalan irarfence
Favorlang/Babuza ararfence, garden (Marsh 1977)
  p-ararto fence round
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Harazfence
Itbayaten axadfence (made of stones, wood, etc.)
Isneg axadfence (made of stones, wood, etc.)
Bontok ʔáladfence, wall
Pangasinan alárfence; to fence
Ayta Maganchi alalfence
Hanunóo ʔaládfence
Palawan Batak ʔáladfence
Cebuano áladwooden fence, enclosure; pig sty; enclose in a fence
Maranao aladfence
Binukid aladfence; enclosure (for animals); put a fence around an area, enclose an area with a fence, fence something in
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) alada fence; to fence an area
Mansaka aradfence
Kelabit aladwall, partition, barrier
Proto-Minahasan *aladenclosure for animals
Tontemboan alarenclosure for animals, stable, pen; originally a three-sided enclosure; also a cage trap with falling door used to catch monkeys
Muna ghalafence


POC     *qalar fence, wall

Lusi alafence
Numbami alafence (e.g. garden fence)

Note:   This word is fairly well attested in the Philippines and is found in a handful of languages in Taiwan, western Indonesia and western Melanesia , but appears to be absent from other areas (Kwaio lala ‘build a fence around a tree or plant’, 'Āre'āre rara ‘fence, enclosure’ may be connected, but this is far from clear). PMP *qalad may have referred to fences or walls used to enclose domesticated animals, in contrast with PMP *pager ‘palisade around a village; fence around a planted tree or cultivated field’. This cognate set disambiguates the initial of *(q)ala[dDj] (Blust 1970), and raises the level of assignment of the reconstruction to PAn.


*qalaŋ obstruct, lie across or athwart


PWMP     *qalaŋ obstruct, lie across or athwart

Maranao alaŋblock the way, obstruct
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) alaŋto block; to hinder; to be in between
Tiruray ʔalaŋto block the way of someone or something
  ʔalaŋ-alaŋreluctant to do something for fear of an unfavorable outcome
Bintulu alaŋcross-beam in a house
Iban alaŋbeam
Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-halaŋto block, obstruct, lie athwart
  ter-halaŋimpeded (to that it cannot go forward or be carried out)
  halaŋ-anthe cause or reason that a plan cannot be executed
Old Javanese (h)alaŋa weapon (“blocking-weapon”?)
  alaŋ-alaŋ“to be in the way”, obstructing
  aŋ-halaŋ-ito obstruct, hinder
  kapalaŋ-alaŋimpeded, defective, disturbed, troubled
  um-alaŋto lie athwart, across
  h<um>alaŋ-alaŋ“to keep being in the way”, keep troubling
Javanese alaŋcrosswise dimension
  ŋ-alaŋto impede, obstruct
Balinese halaŋto thwart, prevent, hinder
  halaŋ-anobstacle, hindrance; across, athwart
  halaŋ-inbe prevented
Sasak alaŋ-anobstacle, hindrance


*qalat kind of large basket or fish weir held in the hand


PWMP     *qalat kind of large basket or fish weir held in the hand

Ilokano alátkind of cylindrical basket used by fishermen
  ag-alátto carry the alát by tying it around the waist
Kankanaey aláta tall, narrow, round basket; salt and potatoes are bought by the alát
Casiguran Dumagat alattype of basket
Hanunóo ʔalátlarge rattan storage basket
Agutaynen kalata basket made of rattan in a U-shape, used in trapping small fish
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) alata fish weir which is held in the water by hand
Mansaka áratbasket
Tiruray ʔolotkind of loosely woven basket used to scoop up fish in shallow water
Miri alatkind of carrying basket worn on the back


*qaleb knee


PAN     *qaleb knee     [doublet: *eleb]

Thao qarufknee
Bunun (Isbukun) Xaabknee
Manobo (Dibabawon) aībknee
Ida'an Begak alobknee
Kelabit alebknee
Kenyah (Long Ikang) ləpknee
Kenyah (Long San) ləpknee
Ma'anyan ulu ʔalepknee

Note:   Also Dohoi karop, Murung kalop. PAn *tuSud, PMP *tuhud almost certainly meant ‘knee’, the latter probably in conjunction with *qulu ‘head’ (= *qulu thud ‘head of knee’). The meaning of *qaleb thus remains problematic.


*qalejaw day


PMP     *qalejaw day     [doublet: *qajaw]

Itbayaten arawsun
Ilokano aldáwday
Isneg alxáwday
Itawis álgawday
Malaweg álgawday
Kalinga (Guinaang) algáwday
Bontok ʔalgə́wsun
Kankanaey ágewsun, day, daytime, daylight, light, sweat, perspiration
Ifugaw algósun; day
Ifugaw (Batad) algawdo something all day long; to sun something or someone
Casiguran Dumagat aldewday, daytime
Ayta Maganchi alloday, sun
Kapampangan aldosun; day
Tagalog árawsun; day
Remontado aydáwday
Bikol aldáwday
Hanunóo ʔáldawtomorrow
Aklanon ádlawday; sun
Palawan Batak ʔaldáwsun; day (opposite of night, rather than time measure)
Cebuano adláwsun; day; day (as opposed to night)
Klata oddowday
Tboli kedawsun; day
Murut (Timugon) odowday
Minokok tadawsun
Ida'an Begak ndtawday
Supan dtawday
Kelabit edʰoday
Sa'ban siəwday
Berawan (Long Terawan) iciwday
Tring coday
Narum diewday
Kenyah (Long Anap) tawday
Kayan (Uma Juman) doday, daylight
Bintulu ɗawday
Bekatan aloday
Lahanan dawday
Talaud alloday
Proto-Sangiric *əlawday; sun
Sangir elloday
Tontemboan endosun; day
Petapa Taje eleosun
Ampibabo-Lauje eleosun
Banggai oloyoday
  oloyoday, sun; daylight
Tae' allosun; day; daylight
Mori Atas oleosun
Kulisusu oleoday
Buginese essoday
Makassarese alloday; sun (in some expressions)
Muna gholeoday
Palauan ʔəóssun
Chamorro atdawsun
Bimanese lirosun
Manggarai lesosun; heat of the sun; day, daylight; time
Ngadha lezasun; day; daylight; daytime; hour; period of time; heat of the sun, dry season
Riung lezoday
Li'o lejaday
Sika lerosun
Lamaholot lero-nday
Adonara rerasun
Solorese rerasun
Kédang loyosun; day; noon
Kodi loddoday
Lamboya ladoday
Kambera loduday
  mbana lodusolar heat, the heat of the day
Hawu loɗosun; day
Dhao/Ndao lodosun
Rotinese ledosun
Helong lelosun
Atoni nɛnɔday
Tetun lorosun
  loro-nday, the time between sunrise and sunset
Galoli lelosun
Erai leosun, day; time, lifetime
Talur lelosun
Kisar lereday
East Damar lerosun
Leti lerasun; day
Wetan lerasun, day, daylight, to be light
  ler(a)-dinanow, today
  ler(a)-denathen, at that time
Yamdena leresun; day
Fordata lerasun; dry season following the east monsoon in the months of August and September
Kei lera-nday, mealtime; once, on a certain day
Dobel larusun
Watubela kolosun
Manusela leasun
Sekar re-reraday


PWMP     *maŋ-qalejaw (gloss uncertain)

Bontok maŋ-<al>gəwbe sunny; place in the sun
Kankanaey maŋ-ágewthe sun shines
Malagasy man-àndropractice judicial astrology; calculate or foretell lucky days
Makassarese aŋŋ-allosuffer from a warm feeling in the body


PPh     *ka-qalejaw-an (gloss uncertain)

Kankanaey ka-agáw-annoon, noontide, noonday, midday, daytime
Cebuano ka-adlaw-anbirthday, day of patron saint


PWMP     *paŋ-qalejaw-an (gloss uncertain)

Itbayaten paŋ-araw-anby the day
Tae' paŋ-lu-antime of the solstice, when one cooks the pig fodder


PPh     *qalejaw-an place in the sun

Itbayaten araw-anput under the sun, expose under the sunshine or sunlight; by the day, per day, in daytime
Bontok ʔalgáw-anplace in the sun
Pangasinan ágewday; sun; be light, sunny
Kapampangan aldosun, day
Bikol aldaw-ándaily
Cebuano adlaw-ánfor it to be daylight


PMP     *qalejaw-qalejaw daily, every day

Pangasinan ágew-ágewdaily, every day
Kapampangan aldo-aldódaily
Aklanon ádlaw-ádlawdaily, every day
Cebuano adláw-adláwevery day
[Kadazan Dusun tadau tadauevery day, daily, day by day]
Sangir apaŋ ello-elloevery day, daily
Tontemboan m-endo-ndodaily
Tae' allo-allodaily, every day
Makassarese allo-allodaily
Ngadha gé leza lezaevery day
Tetun loro-loro-ndaily, every day
Erai leo leodaily
Lakalai la haro-aro tomievery day

Note:   Also Kiput araw ‘day’, Melanau (Mukah) law ‘day’, Komodo ro ‘sun; day’, Watubela kolo ‘sun’, Rotuman asa ‘sun’.


*qalep beckon, wave


PAN     *qalep beckon, wave

Pazeh m-arepbeckon
Chamorro alofbeckon, signal, summon by signs, call by signs, wave
Buruese ale-hto beckon


POC     *qalop to beckon, wave

Manam alo-ito beckon
Nggela alo, alov-ito beckon
Arosi saro, hai-saroh-ito beckon
Gilbertese ano-abeckon with the hand or arm
Araki alov-ibeckon, wave to someone
Fijian yalo, yalov-ato beckon
Tongan ta-ʔalowave or beckon with the hand
Samoan t-ālowave, beckon


*qalesem sourness, acidity


PWMP     *qalesem sourness, acidity     [doublet: *qaRsem]

Ilokano na-alsémsour, tart, acid
  apag-alsémacerb, sourish; half-ripe
Ibanag n-assemsour
Isneg alsámsourness, tartness, acidity
  n-alsámsour, tart, acid
Itawis álsamsourness
Gaddang na-ʔaltɨmsour
Casiguran Dumagat lasém <Msour
Kapampangan aslámvinegar
  aslám-anadd vinegar to something
  pan-aslámuse something to sour
Tagalog ásimsourness, acidity
Hanunóo ʔaslúm <Msourness, acidity
Aklanon áslom <Mmake sour
  pa-áslomcause to become sour, let get sour
Hiligaynon áslum <Msourness
Cebuano aslúmsour; cross, sour in facial expression; be, become sour
Maranao asemsour
  lasem <Msourness of taste, acidic in taste
Samal lessomsour
Kelabit laamsour
Murik ahəmsour
Kayan semsour
Bintulu səmkind of sour fruit obtained from a thorny palm tree
Ngaju Dayak asemsourness, acidity; tamarind
Iban asamsour, acid, sulky; plants yielding sour fruit (used in preserves and for flavoring), esp. trees of Mangifera spp.
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) asumacid fruit, sour fruit
Malay asamacid; sour; generic for acid fruits and preparations
  asam-asam-ansour fruits and sour preserves for flavoring curries
  hasemacid; sour (W. Sumatra)
Acehnese asamsour, tart, acid; make something sour; smear with citrus juice (as the blade of a weapon to make it shine); also name of various citrus fruits
Simalur asemsour
Karo Batak acemanything used to increase the sourness of desserts, as the fruit of the cekala (Zingiberacea), gelugur, etc.
  ŋ-acem-imake food sour
  juma acema temporary, not well prepared ricefield
Dairi-Pakpak Batak acemsour, sour taste of fruits, especially lime juice
Toba Batak asomsour, sour things
  maŋ-asom-imake something sour
  asom-asomlook sour, sulky, of someone's face
Nias asosourness, tartness, acidity
  aso zaw~atamarind
Rejang aseumtamarind acid, vinegar; sour
  aseum jawaitamarind
Sundanese hasɨmsour, taste sour
  ŋa-hasɨm-anmake something sour or sourer
  tanah hasɨmhard, stony ground
Old Javanese (h)asemtamarind
  hasem-hasem(-an)something sour, a dish of various (pleasantly) sour items (fruits, preserves)
Javanese asemtamarind; sour
Madurese accemtamarind (tree and fruit)
Balinese asemtamarind; sour, acid
  ŋ-asemmake something sour
  asem-asem-anfruits which taste sour
Sasak asemtree with sour fruit (not the Javanese asem)


PWMP     *ma-qalesem sour

Isneg m-alsámsour herbs
Sambal (Bolinaw) ma-ʔalsɨmsour
Sambal (Botolan) ma-ʔalsumsour
Kapampangan m-aslámsour
Tagalog ma-ʔásimsour
Hanunóo ma-ʔaslúmsour, acid
Aklanon ma-áslomsour
Hiligaynon ma-áslumsour
Maranao ma-lasem (< *ma-alsem)sour
  m-asemsour, as vinegar or green mangos
Bisaya (Limbang) musomsour
Lun Dayeh me-lamsour
Kenyah (Long Anap) mesemsour
Melanau (Mukah) mesemsour
Ngaju Dayak m-asemsour; unfriendly
Rhade msamsour
Malay m-asamacid; sour; darkened as by acid. Of sour looks (masam muka), debased silver that will not stay bright (perak masam), etc.
Acehnese m-asamsour tasting
Simalur m(a)-asemsour
Karo Batak m-acemsour
Dairi-Pakpak Batak m-acemsour, of the expression on a person's face
Toba Batak m-asomsour
Javanese m-asemsour, unripe
Balinese m-asemsour


PWMP     *qalesem qalesem small sour plant with clover-like leaves

Karo Batak acem-acemsmall sour-tasting plant with clover-like leaves
Sasak asem-asemkind of three-leafed clover

Note:   Also Isneg lassám ‘vinegar’, Kalamian Tagbanwa ma-kaklem ‘sour’, Kowiai/Koiwai asam jawa ‘tamarind’. Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *asem, and many contemporary languages appear to reflect a disyllable. We might, therefore, posit three variants: *qalesem, *qaRsem and *qasem. Apart from its disturbing proliferation of variants there is a fundamental phonological problem with this interpretation: *qalesem and *qaRsem clearly are distinct, but the evidence for *qasem is generally compatible with *qalesem. On the assumption that the Tagalog and Maranao forms show cluster reduction (with Maranao optionally reducing the cluster or breaking it up by metathesis), no Philippine language supports *qasem. Moreover, as noted in Blust (1982) there is persuasive evidence that Malay syncopated vowels in the environment VC-CV, with reduction of a resulting cluster of two obstruents.

Cognates of the material cited in Blust (1982) suggest that much the same type of change took place in many of the languages of western Indonesia. Evidence for *qalesem is not confined to the languages of the Philippines, but includes two types of Bornean reflexes: 1) Lun Dayeh me-lam ‘sour’ and Kelabit laam ‘sour’ preserve a reflex of *l, with loss of the first syllable (*qalesem > *elesem > *lesem > *lehem > *lahem > *laem > /laam/), 2) forms such as Bisaya (Limbang) m-usom, Kayan sem ‘sour’ contain a penultimate reflex of shwa, not *a. Since all of the North Sarawak and Sabahan languages for which information is available have neutralized the opposition of PAn *a and *e in prepenultimate syllables (Blust 1974) these forms are most simply explained as having undergone the first of the changes just cited (*qalesem > *elesem), followed by syncopation of medial *e, cluster reduction and loss of initial shwa (*elesem > *elsem > *esem > sem). The reconstruction of *qalesem qalesem (rather than *qasem qasem) ‘small sour plant with clover-like leaves’ follows from this wider comparative picture. Finally, since most WMP languages have syncopated *e in the environment VC-CV, there is little direct evidence for the medial vowel in *qalesem. Yet to reconstruct PWMP *qalsem would violate a well-established canonical shape which allows medial consonant clusters to consist only of homorganically prenasalized obstruents (including *-ŋs-), of preconsonantal *R, or of the abutting consonants in reduplicated monosyllables. PAn *qaRsem does not violate this constraint, yet appears to be ambiguous for *qaRsem or *qaResem.


*qali- prefix for words with a sensitive reference to the spirit world (cf. *kali-)


PAN     *qali- prefix for words with a sensitive reference to the spirit world (cf. *kali-)

Thao qariwazwazrainbow
Rukai (Tanan) ʔaLibaubaŋbutterfly
Isneg alipatpátfirefly
Kankanaey alipuŋdanmalicious spirit
Tagalog aliŋawŋáwechoing sound
Bikol alipúroswhirlwind
Cebuano alibaŋbáŋbutterfly
  alibusbúswinged large red house ants that come in swarms, esp. during rainy days, and hover around bright lights
Maranao alimekatspirit, god of the water
Manobo (Sarangani) eliwatiearthworm
Murut (Timugon) limumuodkind of black carpenter bee
Banjarese halimatakjungle leech
Singhi Land Dayak rimotahleech
Mongondow olibobagrainbow
  olimaŋowkind of large crab
Gorontalo alinuabutterfly
Gilbertese nikanebularge moth
Chuukese nipwisipwisbutterfly
Puluwat likáhenwanecho; to echo

Note:   For further details on the analysis and meaning of this affix and its variants see Blust (2001).


*qaliaw be startled or frightened, as by violent action


PPh     *qaliaw be startled or frightened, as by violent action

Ilokano aliáwhorror, fright
  maka-aliáwto startle, frighten
Agutaynen mag-kaliawto yell, shout loudly, as of a drunk person or people fighting; to scream


*qali-baŋbaŋ kind of tree with leaves shaped like butterflies


PWMP     *qali-baŋbaŋ kind of tree with leaves shaped like butterflies

Ilokano alibaŋbáŋa tree with sour leaves used in cooking
Sichule alifambaŋkind of tree

Note:   This presumably is the same morpheme as *qali-baŋbaŋ ‘butterfly, moth’, and hence is assumed to contain the *qali/kali- prefix marking referents that have a sensitive relationship to the spirit world.


*qalibun a plant with medicinal value, probably Blumea spp.


PPh     *qalibun a plant with medicinal value, probably Blumea spp.

Hanunóo ʔalíbuna tree (Blumea balsamifera Linn.); the leaves are boiled to make a beverage believed to stop malarial attacks
Agutaynen kalibonkind of shrub with large pointed leaves which can be used for medicinal purposes; the leaves can be boiled and then the water drunk to relieve a cough or intestinal problems


*qalibuŋbuŋ to encircle, surround something


PPh     *qalibuŋbuŋ to encircle, surround something

Itbayaten alivovoŋidea of circling or circumscribing
  alivovoŋ-ento encircle (as troops and the like)
Isneg aliboŋbóŋthe lunar halo
Ibaloy aliboŋboŋto be clustered, gathered (of people)
  aliboŋboŋ-anto crowd around something or someone

Note:   This word is assumed to contain the *qali/kali- prefix.


*qaliliŋ cateye shell


PMP     *qaliliŋ cateye shell

Chamorro alileŋcateye shell
Yamdena liliNautilus shell (?)
Nggela lilibrown gastropod: Turbo petholatus
Sa'a sälilibrown gastropod: Turbo petholatus
Arosi arirismall gastropod shell
Niue fua alilicoarse-shelled univalve mollusc
  mahina alilioperculum or "cat's eye" of the above mollusc
Samoan alilia mollusc: Turbo sp.
Rennellese ʔagigiTurban shells: Turbo petholatus L.


*qalima hand


PAN     *qalima hand

Papora limahand
Sakizaya ulimaʔhand
Proto-Rukai *aLimahand
Remontado alímahand
Agutaynen kalimahand
Mamanwa alimahand
Binukid alimahand; forearm including the hand
Klata limmohhand
Lolak limahand
Koroni limahand
Popalia limahand
Adonara lima-thand
Vaikenu nima-farm
Waima'a limehand
Luang liməhand
Kola limahand
Ujir limahand
W.Tarangan (Ngaibor) lemahand
Masiwang nima-nhand
Manusela ima-hand
Saparua rimahhand
Batu Merah lima-wahand
Morella lima-kahand
Amblau lima-hand
Andra lime-hand
Ponam lime-hand
Tanga nima-hand
Bali (Uneapa) limahand
Biliau limahand
Kove limahand
Yabem lêmahand
Ubir ima-hand
Magori imahand
Saliba nimahand
Sudest nȉmahand, arm
Papapana nimahand
Haku w-alimahand
Petats alimaarm
Luangiua limahand
Merig lima-hand
Nokuku lima-hand
Malmariv limahand
Lametin lima-hand
Marino lima-hand
Vao nima-hand
Leviamp ləm̋a-hand

Note:   The resemblance of this form to *lima ‘five’ is unmistakeable, but there is no known basis for an analysis of *qalima into two morphemes, and it is consequently best to treat it as an independent lexical entry.


*qali-maŋaw mangrove crab


PMP     *qali-maŋaw mangrove crab     [doublet: *qali-maŋu]

Nias maŋosea crab
  alimaŋosea crab
Mongondow olimaŋowlarge crab
Chamorro atmaŋaospotted sea crab
  akmaŋaothe mangrove crab: Scylla serrata


POC     *qali-maŋo mangrove crab

Lou alimaŋmangrove crab
Loniu elimaŋmangrove crab
Nali kay-maŋmangrove crab
Leipon elmaŋmangrove crab
Seimat alimaŋmangrove crab
Wuvulu alimaomangrove crab
Lusi amlaŋo <Mcrab sp.
Kove alimaŋomangrove crab
Sudest ghalȉmamangrove crab
Arosi arimaŋovery large crab with paddles, found in mangrove swamps
Samoan alimaŋoa crab: Lupea spp. (Pratt 1984 [1911])

Note:   Also Aua arimao, Mendak kalimbaŋ ‘mangrove crab’, Gitua alimaŋa ‘mud crab’, Dobuan ʔalimana, kalimana ‘crab’.


*qali-maŋu mangrove crab


PMP     *qali-maŋu mangrove crab     [doublet: *qali-maŋaw]

Tagalog alimáŋolarge crab
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalimaŋumangrove crab
Cebuano alimáŋuedible crab of tidal swamps
Palauan ʔəmáŋlarge sea crab
Penchal kemmɨŋmangrove crab
Pak kal-moŋmangrove crab
Pohnpeian elimoaŋmangrove crab

Note:   Also Kambera kalimau ‘lobster, crayfish’, Soboyo kamaŋu ‘crab’, Yapese qamaaŋ ‘mangrove crab’ (possibly a loan from Palauan). Penchal ɨ reflects penultimate *a only where a lost final vowel was high. Palauan chemáŋ, which can be assigned to either set, confirms *q-.


*qali-meqes invisible


PWMP     *qali-meqes invisible

Tagalog alimísfurtive
Cebuano alimúʔusinvisible (Encarnación 1885)
Toba Batak alimosvisible for only a moment
  mar-alimosdisappear rapidly

Note:   Also Tongan manimo ‘surreptitious, secret, underhand, not above-board, not done openly and honestly’, Samoan nimo ‘vanish, disappear, slip one's memory’, Rennellese nimo ‘forget, vanish, disappear’. Dempwolff (1934-38) included the Tongan and Samoan forms in his comparison, but all Polynesian evidence indicates *n rather than *l. Dyen (1953:14, and fn. 55) included the Tongan word on the grounds that the change of *l to /n/ was a conditioned change (*l regularly became n when preceding a syllable that contained a nasal). However, it is inconsistent to cite Tongan, but not the obvious cognates in other Polynesian languages, in which the assimilation in question did not take place.

Finally, Dyen (1953:14) posits a quadrisyllable *alimees to account for Cebuano alimoos, a form quoted from Encarnación (1885). This form does not appear in any more recent dictionary of Cebuano or any other Bisayan languages that I have been able to consult. Whatever its status in Bisayan, Dyen's reconstruction is problematic in at least two respects: 1) no quadrisyllabic morphemes have been reconstructed for earlier stages in Austronesian, and all quadrisyllabic words appear to contain the *qali/kali- prefix, an analysis which I adopt here, 2) no unambiguous sequences of like vowels have been reconstructed, and for this reason I interpret the phonetic glottal stop in the Tagalic forms, and zero in Toba Batak as a reflex of *q.


*(q)alipa a nut tree, Canarium sp.


POC     *(q)alipa a nut tree, Canarium sp.

Penchal r-alipkind of large canarium nut
Drehet n-elipcanarium almond
Tolai g-alipacanarium almond
Numbami y-alipacanarium almond
Tami y-alipcanarium almond

Note:   Because of their economic importance in many traditional Melanesian societies canarium nuts are lexically distinguished based on various characteristics. In Kuruti, spoken on Manus island in the Admiralty group, for example, oŋlow is a canarium nut (Tok Pisin galip) with three sections inside, eŋey also has three interior sections, but is smaller and more elongated than oŋlow, and pudoy is a canarium nut with one section inside. Other languages, as Kele in Manus, and Mussau in the St. Matthias archipelago also make a three-way lexical distinction, based in part on size. Ross (2008:312ff) thus appears to be justified in positing more than one POc term for canarium nut.


*qali-peqip scapula


PWMP     *qali-peqip scapula

Hanunóo ʔalipʔípscapula
Cebuano alipʔipperson's back reaching from the shoulders as far as the waist
Kelabit liʔipscapula
Bare'e wuku lopi (< *alepiʔipʔ)scapula

Note:   Also Kayan laʔip ‘shoulder’, Angkola-Mandailing Batak halipkip ‘scapula’, Makassarese palippiʔ ‘rump (of animals)’. Kelabit liʔip is assumed to reflect earlier *lipʔip, with cluster reduction.


*qali-petpet firefly


PMP     *qali-petpet firefly     [doublet: *kalim-petpet, *salim-petpet]

Isneg alipatpátfirefly, glowworm
Casiguran Dumagat alipətpətlightning bug
Tagalog alitaptap <Mfirefly
Aklanon alitáptapglowworm, found on rocks at high tide
Bare'e alipoposmall flying insect, possibly firefly by daylight


POC     *qali-popot firefly

Tamambo vovo-mbofirefly (regarded as little devils, and avoided)
Lewo le-popofirefly

Note:   Also Bikol anínipót, Cebuano aniniput, Nabay dialect of Murut (Lowland) aninipot, Murut (Timugon) andidipot ‘firefly’, all reflecting the simple root *pet. The Oceanic members of this comparison were supplied by Osmond (2011:399).


*qali-pugpug whirlwind


PPh     *qali-pugpug whirlwind

Yami alipogpog a pagpagwhirlwind (Tsuchida, Yamada and Moriguchi 1987)
Itbayaten alipogpogwhirlwind
Ivatan adipogpogwhirlwind
Ibatan alipogpogwhirlwind
Ilokano alipugpógwhirlwind
  ag-alipugpógto have a whirlwind
Isneg alipugpúgwhirlwind, eddy of air (it announces the presence of the spirit of the same name)
Bontok ʔalipugpúgto do something with exaggerated motions, as walking; to shake; to convulse

Note:   Because this is an *qali/kali- word (Blust 2001:38-39) many other languages have quadrisyllabic forms that begin with a similar sequence of two syllables, but only the ones cited here form a cognate set.


*qali-puju hair whorl


PAN     *qali-puju hair whorl

Atayal (Cʔuliʔ) qalipuguʔhair whorl (Li 1980)
Bikol alimpupúro (< R)hair whorl
Tontemboan lim-puru-ancrown of the head


PAN     *qali-puju-an hair whorl

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hari-pudu-anhair whorl
Aklanon ali-pudw-anhair whorl
  alim-pu-púdw-an (< R)crown of head (where hair whorls)

Note:   Also Saisiyat kaʔalipozaʔan ‘hair whorl’. Paiwan qułipupuduan ‘crown of head (where hair whorls)’ together with some Philippine forms suggests a stem *-pupuju.


*qali-puRut whirlwind, dust devil


PPh     *qali-puRut whirlwind, dust devil

Kapampangan alimpuyutwhirlpool
Agutaynen alipolotsmall whirlwind, dust devil


*qali-puspus whirlwind


PAN     *qali-puspus whirlwind     [doublet: *qali-pugpug]

Puyuma maɭi-pusapus na baɭitornado (‘whirling of the wind’)
Bontok dali-puspuswhirlwind
Ibaloy adi-posposwhirlwind
  man-adi-posposspeaks of the rotating action of air in this manner


PMP     *qali-puspus whirlwind; hair whorl

Ilokano alipuspúswhorl in the hair; type of cotton cloth with whorls
Bontok ʔalipuspushair spiral; whirlpool
Tboli klifuswhirlwind; cowlick


*qaliR to flow


PMP     *qaliR to flow

Malay (h)alirflow along (as water flows, or as perspiration
  umpan (h)alirfloating bait attached to a tali (h)alir, or loose floating line for catching crocodiles
Dairi-Pakpak Batak m-arirto flow
Sasak alirdecant, pour out
Buginese m-aliʔdrift, float on a current
Tolai alirswim, float, drift; float through the air, as a bird with motionless wings; adrift, drifting; to run


PMP     *qaliR-an place where water flows

Javanese alir-anirrigation conduit; stream of water
Tolai alir-en <Arivulet or small stream caused by the rain

Note:   With root *-liR ‘flow’.


*qalís to change place or activity


PPh     *qalís to change place or activity

Itbayaten alisidea of leaving/transferring
  i-alisto transfer something
Ilokano ag-ális-álisto constantly move
  um-álisto move, shift; change residence
Ibaloy on-alisto transfer, move
Pangasinan alísto leave, go away
  pa-alísto let leave, drive away
Ayta Abellan alihto remove or take away; to go away; cause someone leave
Tagalog alísdeparture
  alis-ínto remove
Agutaynen k<om>alitto interrupt one’s work to take a few minutes to do another job


PPh     *qalis-an to change place or activity

Itbayaten alis-anplace in the kitchen where you keep the biggest in-alis (yams) for planting
Ibaloy alis-an [edisan]to move something to a place; to affect, influence something, someone
Tagalog alis-ánto divest or strip someone of something
Agutaynen kalit-anto change place or activity


*qaliwat pass by or near


PWMP     *qaliwat pass by or near

Malay liwat ~ léwatvia, through, by way of; step over (as a sleeping person)
Malay (Jakarta) liwatvia, through, by way of
Toba Batak liatcircling about
Sundanese liwatpassed, beyond, at an end
Old Javanese haliwatto pass, pass by, pass over, travel along
Javanese liwatgo past, to (by way of)
Balinese liwatpass by, pass over, go beyond, cross (a border); exceedingly, very
Sasak liwatpast; cross over (a river)
  ŋe-liwatconvey or transport something across

Note:   Also Tiruray liwet ‘go around, but close by, something or someone; to speak in an indirect, metaphorical, or euphemistic way’, ge-liwet ‘all around’, Maranao liwat ‘forget, forgetfulness, vanish’. The relationship between *liwed ‘scatter to and fro’ and *qaliwat ‘pass by or near’ is unclear. It is possible that all of this material belongs to a single cognate set, but it has so far proved impossible to unite them without recognizing irregularities in a number of languages.


*qalo₁ sun


POC     *qalo₁ sun     [doublet: *qaco]

Pelipowai alsun
Drehet sun
Likum ansun
Lindrou ansun
Seimat alsun
Wuvulu alosun
Proto-Micronesian *alosun
Motlav na-losun
Central Santo mata-i-alosun
Tangoa alosun
Peterara alosun
Raga alosun
Lingarak ni-alsun
Leviamp na-yalsun
Namakir na-ʔalsun
Efate (South) alsun

Note:   Also Mono-Alu healo ‘sun’. Osmond (2003) relates all of these forms to PMP *qalejaw, POc *qaco ‘sun’. Most if not all Admiralty forms do appear to be compatible with POc *qaco, but this is not true of similar forms in Vanuatu and Micronesia, forcing the reconstruction of a doublet with medial *l. *qalo (and *qaco) probably meant ‘day/sun’, with *mata ni qalo or *mata ni qaco more specifically indicating the sun.


*qalo₂ tree with wood used to make fireplows


POC     *qalo₂ tree with wood used to make fireplows

Nauna kalkind of tree with dry wood used to make fireplows
Mussau alokind of tree the wood of which is used for firewood, and was traditionally used to make fireplows


*qalu a fish: barracuda sp.


PMP     *qalu a fish: barracuda sp.

Yami ahoa fish, the barracuda: Sphyraena sp.
Malay ikan alu alubarracuda: Sphyraena obtusata
Palauan ʔáibarracuda
Chamorro alubarracuda
Nauna kɨlthick-bodied barracuda sp.
Lou kɔlthick-bodied barracuda sp.
Penchal kɨlthick-bodied barracuda sp.
Titan althick-bodied barracuda sp.
Seimat althick-bodied barracuda sp.
Wuvulu aluthick-bodied barracuda sp.
Nggela alubarracuda
'Āre'āre rarupike fish
Sa'a sälubarracuda


*qalun long rolling wave, swell, billow


PMP     *qalun long rolling wave, swell, billow

Ilokano allónwave, ripple forming no breakers, e.g. those produced by a swimmer or bather
Itawis álunwave (in water)
Ayta Abellan alonwave of water, one of a series of ridges that moves across the surface of water
Kapampangan álunwave
Tagalog álonwave; waviness of surface
Bikol álonwave, surf
Abaknon alonwave; current
Cebuano álunlong rolling wave, swell; for there to be big waves
Central Tagbanwa lakon <Ma wave
Malagasy álunawave, billow
Iban alun(of sea) swell, rollers, surge
Malay alunlong rolling waves; surge or swell of the sea. In contrast to broken water (ombak, gelombaŋ). Of waves "rolling mountain-high"
Sundanese alunwave, billow
Old Javanese (h)alunlong rolling wave, swell of the sea
Javanese alunwave
Balinese alunwave of the sea
  halunwave of the sea
Tubetube yalubackwash from wave breaking on the beach


PWMP     *ma-qalun full of waves

Tagalog ma-alónhaving many waves
Bikol ma-álonturbulent, rough
Old Javanese m-ālunin waves


PWMP     *maŋ-qalun to billow, swell (of waves at sea)

Malagasy man-àlonato swell, as the sea, rise in billows
Iban ŋ-alunoverwhelm, roll over, drive back, rush furiously (as a wave overwhelming a boat)
Sundanese ŋ-alunswim with the waves, drift on the waves
Old Javanese aŋ-alunto undulate, billow; (of sound) to resound, swell (or "like the surf"?); also: like waves, i.e. in rows (stripes, layers), row upon row


PWMP     *qalun qalun wave-like, wavy

Kapampangan alun-ʔalunroller-coaster motion; wavy (hair)
Tagalog alún-alónwavy; curly
Malagasy álon-àlonasmall waves
Iban alun-alunwaves or swell
Malay alun-alunbooming. Possibly from the sound of the sea

Note:   Also Tongan ŋalu ‘wave (when rolling in), breaker or surf’, Samoan ŋalu ‘wave, breaker; (of the sea) be rough’, Rennellese ŋagu ‘wave, form waves’, Maori ŋaru ‘wave of the sea’, Hawaiian nalu ‘wave, surf; full of waves; to form waves; wavy, as wood grain’. This form can be securely reconstructed only for PWMP, since the assignment to PMP depends entirely on the proposed cognation of Tubetube yalu. However, at the PWMP level *qalun evidently referred to long rolling waves at sea, or to ripples on the surface of water, in contrast to breakers or surf (PAn *Nabek, PMP, PWMP *nabek), and to tidal waves or high tide (PMP *Ruab).


*qalunan wooden headrest, pillow


PMP     *qalunan wooden headrest, pillow

Mongondow olunanheadrest
Palauan ʔiullpillow
Chamorro alunanpillow
Kambera nulaŋu <Mprop, support
  nula katikuwooden headrest; pillow
Waropen runawooden headrest
  arunause as a headrest

Note:   Also Puyuma saLunan ‘pillow (ritual term)’, Tagalog únan ‘pillow’. Distinct from *quluŋaq. Mongondow oulunan may show contamination with ulu ‘head’.


*qalupaR persimmon


PAN     *qalupaR persimmon

Amis ʔalopalpersimmon tree and fruit: Diospyros kaki
Tagalog alupagthe rambutan, Nephelium lappaceum L.
  alupag kalabawthe dragon eye, or longan fruit: Dimocarpus longan Lour.
Bikol alupagthe lychee, Litchi sinensis Sonn., subsp. philippinensis

Note:   This term is rather sparsely attested, with all Philippine forms collected to date coming from Madulid (2001). However, since it is trisyllabic, shows regular sound correspondences, and refers to a tree and its edible fruit in all languages, the probability of cognation appears relatively high. Although the referents in Taiwan and the Philippines are different, this is likely due to the indigenous presence of the persimmon in Taiwan, and its absence in the Philippines. Based on this hypothesis I assume that PAn *qalupaR meant ‘persimmon’, and that the term survived but was applied to a variety of different local fruits when Austronesian speakers reached the Philippines.


*qaluR current, deep channel in the middle of a river


PAN     *qaluR₁ current, deep channel in the middle of a river

Kavalan iRuRsmall stream, creek, small river
Amis ʔalolbe carried away by water so that it is no longer seen


PMP     *qaluR₂ current, deep channel in the middle of a river

Itbayaten ayoycanal-like depth at sea, deep spot in the sea
Ilokano áloglow land, low field; pool, puddle
Tagalog álogpool of water on a lowland
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalugditch
Cebuano alúggo down to get water
Maranao aloggorge, canyon
Kelabit arurstream, small branch of a river
Kenyah alostream
Malagasy álo-álofosse, ditch, precipice
  álo-n tsàhathe bottom of a ravine; the bed of a river
  álo-n-ònyriverbed (óny = 'river')
Iban alur(main) current of a river, hence the deep channel
Malay alurgroove; cutting; furrow. With many varying or local applications: (Johore) the main channel of a stream between the mudbanks on either side; (Pahang) any channel in river or sea, and even a dry torrent-bed if water flows there sometimes; (Kedah) hollow or backwater scooped out by a stream, the main channel being geloŋ; (Minangkabau) channel, e.g. of relationship, and even of a wife "scooping" money out of her husband; furrow, beaten path made by wild animals
  alur-angroove along horseshoe
  alur-alurchannels made by maggots in fruit
  alur bibirhollow between nostril and center of upper lip
  alur didalam redaŋboat-channel through a swamp
  alur teŋgalaplough-furrow
  alur teŋkokhollow at back of neck
Acehnese aluëbrook, small river, tributary stream
Karo Batak alurbelonging to a certain river system
Sundanese alurtrack, trail left by tiger, rhinoceros, etc. in moving through jungle
Javanese alurcourse, pace, progress
  alur-antrampled out buffalo path' (Pigeaud 1938); 'traces, that which tells a tale (Horne 1974)
Balinese alurcurrent
Mongondow alugstriped, having stripes of equal width
Bare'e mo-aluto flow, stream
Bimanese arucurrent
Kei alurlarge water pitcher


PWMP     *maŋ-qaluR (gloss uncertain)

Kelabit ŋ-arurfollow along a stream or river
Karo Batak si ŋ-alur Lau Pépéall of the tributary streams of the Lau Pépé
Javanese ŋ-alurrecount events
Balinese ŋ-alurhave a strong current (river)

Note:   Also Pangasinan álog ‘stream, stream or river bed; acres, lowland field or farm’, ka-alog-án ‘wide tract of farmland’, Ngaju Dayak lalohan ‘place in a river which has the greatest depth’. Amis ʔalol ‘be carried away by water so that it is no longer seen’ is phonologically compatible with *qaluR, but is semantically a better match with *qañud. The resemblance between it and reflexes of *qaluR is perhaps best treated as a product of chance. In addition, Bimanese aru may be a borrowing of Malay (h)arus ‘current’, and Kei alur may be unrelated. If so, *qaluR can be assigned only to PWMP.

Dempwolff (1934-38) glossed his reconstruction of this form as ‘Gewässer’ (= ‘lake, pond, waters’). Several reflexes, however, suggest that the fundamental idea expressed by *qaluR was not that of flowing water (cf. *qaliR), but rather that of a channel through which water flowed (cf. Kalamian Tagbanwa ‘ditch’, Maranao ‘gorge, canyon’, Malagasy ‘fosse, ditch, precipice; bed of a river’, Iban ‘deep channel’, Malay (Johore) ‘main channel of river’). In a number of reflexes the notions of channel and flowing water which evidently formed an inseparable part of the original gloss have been dissociated, leaving this form free to refer to one or the other idea independently (Kelabit, Kenyah, Balinese, Bare'e, with reference to flowing water, Sundanese, Javanese, with reference to animal tracks through the jungle).


*qalu-Sipan centipede


PAN     *qalu-Sipan centipede

Kavalan Rusipancentipede


PMP     *qalu-hipan centipede

Tagalog aluhipancentipede
Bikol aluhípancentipede
Hanunóo ʔaluhípancentipede, a small common chilopod 5 to 6 cm. long
Cebuano aluhípancentipede
Tiruray liyufon <Mcentipede
Kenyah lipancaterpillar
  busoŋ lipanscorpion
Bukat də-lipancentipede
Iban lipancentipede: Scolopendra subspinipes and others
Cham lipancentipede
Jarai rəpancentipede
Roglai (Northern) lupātcentipede
Malay halipancentipede
Simalur aliancentipede
Karo Batak lipancentipede
Toba Batak lipanpoisonous centipede
Nias alifacentipede
Mentawai alupatcentipede
Rejang lipeuncentipede
Proto-Sangiric *lipancentipede
Sangir lipaŋcentipede
Mongondow ulipan <Mcentipede
Totoli alipancentipede
Dampelas alipaŋcentipede
Uma lipacentipede
Bare'e alipacentipede
Tae' lipancentipede, Scolopendra; their bite causes bodily swelling
Buginese alipaŋcentipede
Makassarese alipaŋcentipede
Muna gholifacentipede
Palauan ʔíulpoisonous centipede


PCEMP     *qalipan centipede

Manggarai lipaŋcentipede
Rembong lipancentipede
Kédang ipancentipede
Kamarian larian (< *qala-lipan)centipede
Paulohi ririfan-ecentipede
Buruese lipanmillipede
  lipa-flawasmall millipede which gives off a luminous glow when crushed
Tifu lipancentipede
Buli lif-lifaŋcentipede
Wuvulu ali-alifacentipede
Mussau alienacentipede
Manam aliacentipede
Watut jenefcentipede
Hula aivacentipede
Motu aihacentipede
Nggela livacentipede
Kwaio lalifacentipede (taboo for many at Sinalagu; ʔuʔuaula is used instead)
Lau safila <Mcentipede
'Āre'āre rarihecentipede
Ulawa älihacentipede

Note:   Also Saisiyat (Taai) ʔalʸoŋæhipan ‘centipede’, Yami (Imorod) alilipwan ‘centipede’, Itbayaten allipwan ‘centipede’, Ivatis diːpowan ‘centipede’, Tagalog alupihan ‘centipede’, ulapihan ‘centipede’, ulahipan ‘centipede’, Bikol aluluypán ‘centipede’, ulaypán ‘centipede’, Cebuano ulahípan ‘centipede’, Cebuano ulahìpan sa baybáyun ‘sandworm, any of numerous annelids which burrow in the sand (they are used as bait)’, Mansaka ollaipan ‘centipede’, Maranao laiopan ‘centipede’, Tboli siyufun ‘centipede’, Gana nipal ‘centipede’, Miri ñifal ‘centipede’, Singhi Land Dayak ripapian ‘centipede’, Ma'anyan anilipan ‘centipede’, Katingan jalipan ‘centipede’, Delang soŋgilipan ‘centipede’, Ngaju Dayak halalipan ‘centipede’, Banjarese halilipan ‘centipede’, Malay lipan ‘centipede’, Minangkabau lilipan ‘centipede’, Tae' lalipan ‘centipede’, Buginese alipeŋ ‘centipede’, Buginese balipeŋ ‘centipede’, Li'o nipa fua ‘centipede’, Kambera kalipa ‘centipede’, Rotinese liʔak ‘kind of centipede that phosphoresces when it is rubbed’, Motu ahia ‘centipede’, Sa'a äluhe ‘centipede’.

Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *lipan, but this reconstruction is inadequate in several respects. An etymon *qalipan is capable of explaining a larger number of forms, although this too fails to account for Kavalan Rusipan, various reflexes in the Philippines, Roglai (Northern) and Mentawai, all of which attest the presence of an additional syllable that contained *u. In recognition of these problems Hendon (1964: fn. 18) posited *ʔaluhipan ‘centipede’.

The bimorphemic analysis that I adopt for *qalu-Sipan is motivated by the following considerations:

1. there appear to be no unambiguous quadrisyllabic morphemes in PAn or PMP,
2. all quadrisyllabic words reconstructed to date contain a (generally fossilized) variant of the *qali/kali- prefix which is associated with a limited number of semantic fields, among them the names of ‘creepy-crawly creatures,
3. the variant *qalu- is attested in other synchronically quadrisyllabic morphemes that belong to the same general semantic field as *qalu-Sipan, as with Itbayaten aluati, Bikol aluluntí, Hanunóo alukatiʔ ‘earthworm’, Bikol alusiwsíw ‘aphid’, Amis ʔalopaynay ‘long bright orange/green beetle-like insect that is pliable like wood’, Hanunóo alutátip ‘wingless, beetle-like brown insect usually found on the ground; believed to be somewhat poisonous’, Ilokano alumpipínig ‘wasp’, and Ilokano alutíit ‘lizard’,
4. whatever its origin (and this is still unclear), the velar nasal of Saisiyat ʔalʸoŋæhipan is far more likely to have been added at a morpheme boundary than intercalated within a morpheme.


*qamataq raw, eat something raw


PMP     *qamataq raw, eat something raw     [doublet: *ataq, *hataq, *qetaq]

Palauan ʔəmádəʔunripe/green; (food) raw/uncooked
Pohnpeian amasraw, uncooked
Chuukese amas(a)not fully cooked, raw
Puluwat yemahraw, uncooked; raw or uncooked food
Woleaian yemat(a)raw, not cooked; new


*qambaR tasteless, insipid


PMP     *qambaR tasteless, insipid     [doublet: *tabaR]

Banjarese hambartasteless, insipid
Rejang ambeatasteless, as food that lacks salt or some other spice; ineffectual medicine, medicine that has lost its therapeutic power
Sundanese hambartepid, lukewarm (water), tasteless, insipid (as vegetables or meat without salt); indifferent, sluggish
Balinese ambahweak, tasteless (e.g., lime for betel)
Makassarese ambaraʔhaving lost its taste or force (as wine, cajuput oil, perfumes, vinegar, salt, glue that has lost its adhesiveness, magic formula that no longer works, etc.)
Ngadha abatasteless, very mild, insipid
Rotinese afa-afaodorless, tasteless, insipid (cooked rice, meat, sirih leaf with betel chew, etc.)


*qambat ambush, block the way; obstacle, hindrance


PMP     *qambat ambush, block the way; obstacle, hindrance     [doublet: *abaŋ₁]

Ilokano ábatintercept, stop on the way
Tagalog abat-ánwaylay or ambush (someone)
Malagasy ámbatratongue-tied
Iban ambatintercept, (hence) stalk prey as a cat does; block, surround and catch
Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-hambatrestrain, hinder, block, obstruct
Karo Batak abathindrance
  ambathold back, hinder, detain
Toba Batak abathindrance, impediment, obstacle
  ambatstopped, delayed
  maŋ-ambatobstruct, hold back, hold up
Minangkabau ambatto obstruct
Kambera ambacheck, stop, hold back (as a horse); obstruct the way

Note:   Also Toba Batak abot ‘hindrance, impediment, obstacle’.


*qambawaŋ large mango: Mangifera odorata


PWMP     *qambawaŋ large mango: Mangifera odorata

Ngaju Dayak hambawaŋtree which bears a sour fruit resembling the mango
Simalur abawaŋlarge mango: Mangifera odorata
Nias hambawafruit tree
Old Javanese (h)ambawaŋkind of mango
Bare'e ambawavery large mango variety with a strong turpentine odor which grows primarily on the shore: Mangifera odorata
Tae' ambaaŋlarge mango variety with a strong turpentine odor: Mangifera odorata

Note:   Also Malay bacaŋ, embacaŋ, macaŋ, membacaŋ ‘horse-mango: Mangifera foetida’, Toba Batak ambasaŋ ‘tree with edible fruit; a large kind of mango’, Makassarese taipa macaŋ ‘mango-tree: Mangifera indica’. I take Malay embacaŋ and macaŋ to be innovative forms of *qambawaŋ which were borrowed into Toba Batak and Makassarese respectively.


*qambeŋ obstruct, block the way


PWMP     *qambeŋ obstruct, block the way     [disjunct: *habeŋ]

Cebuano ábuŋbar, block the way; something which blocks the way
Old Javanese (h)ambeŋhalted, restrained, prevented
Mongondow amboŋdam, dyke, kind of obstacle or roping off
  mog-amboŋto dam up, put an obstacle in the way

Note:   Also Manggarai ambaŋ ‘obstruct, impede’.


*qambiday carry slung over the shoulder


PPh     *qambiday carry slung over the shoulder     [disjunct: *qambijay]

Ilokano abídayto throw (a blanket, etc.) over the shoulder
Cebuano ambílaycarry something with a strap slung over the shoulder

Note:   Also Ilokano abáday ‘carry something in a band slung over the shoulder’, Kalamian Tagbanwa kablay ‘carry something by suspending it from the shoulder diagonally’, Maranao abelai ‘hang over shoulder, sling across shoulder’, Maranao ambelai ‘put hand around shoulder’. The initial *q in this form is posited on the basis of the similar but non-corresponding Kalamian Tagbanwa form kablay.


*qambijay carry slung over the shoulder


PPh     *qambijay carry slung over the shoulder     [disjunct: *qambiday]

Ilokano abígayto throw (a blanket, etc.) over the shoulder
Cebuano ambílaycarry something with a strap slung over the shoulder


*qambuR strew, scatter, sprinkle


PWMP     *qambuR strew, scatter, sprinkle

Isneg ábugsprinkle with salt (sliced cucumbers, pineapples, etc.)
Iban amburscatter, sprinkle (as rice in feeding chickens)
Malay (h)amburletting drop here and there. Of seed being dropped on the ground (sowing with a round-arm motion is tabur)
Acehnese hambōstrew, sow, scatter
Karo Batak amburspill out, spill over, strew, scatter; cast a net
Dairi-Pakpak Batak meŋ-aburto scatter, as rice grains in sowing
Nias hawu-hawuthat with which something is cast or strewn
Tae' amboʔscatter seed, strew
Proto-South Sulawesi *ambuRstrew, scatter

Note:   Also Miri amur ‘to sow, scatter seeds’, Balinese ambur ‘spread about, scatter’, Bare'e ámbur-i ‘strew, scatter seed’.


*qamiS north wind


PAN     *qamiS north wind

Amis ʔamisnorth
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Haminorth; year, age
  H-em-aminorth wind blows
Paiwan (Northeastern) qamisnorth


PAN     *qamiS-an north; winter

Saisiyat ʔæmiSænwinter
Atayal qmisanwinter
Seediq mis-anwinter
Pazeh ʔamisannorth; winter
Bunun hamis-anyear (Tsuchida 1976)
Kanakanabu ʔamís-anəwinter
Saaroa ʔamis-an-awinter


PMP     *qamihan north wind

Ilokano amiánnorth wind
Casiguran Dumagat amiyannortheast wind, northeast monsoon; rainy season
Kapampangan amianwinter, the cold season from October to January
Tagalog amihannorth wind, northeast wind; breeze from the mountains going to the lowlands
Bikol amíhannortheast wind, trade wind
Hanunóo ʔamíhannortheast; northeast wind, which is usually very gentle
Aklanon amíhannortheast wind
Kalamian Tagbanwa kamiannortheast prevailing wind
Cebuano amíhanwind from the north
  paŋ-amíhanblow from the north
Maranao amiannorth wind
Mansaka amiyanrainy season; north wind
Sangir miaŋwind between north and north-northwest which brings much rain
Proto-Minahasan *amiannorth; north wind
Tontemboan amiannorth; north wind
  m-amiantravel northwards, head in a northerly direction
  ma-amiannorthwest monsoon


PPh     *qamihan-an north; rainy season

Ilokano amián-annorth
Casiguran Dumagat k-amiyan-annortheast
Bikol amihán-andirection of the northeast wind
Aklanon amihán-annorth(erly)
Hiligaynon amính-an <Mnorth
Cebuano amihán-annorth, northern
Maranao amian-annorth

Note:   Reflexes of PAn *qamiS are confined to languages which lie north of the Equator. Since no system of terms for the cardinal directions can be reconstructed for any early Austronesian proto-language, and since terms for the west and east monsoons were important from at least PMP times, it appears most likely that PAn *qamiS meant ‘north wind’. Under this hypothesis PAn *qamiS-an (lit. ‘place of the north wind’) would have meant ‘north’ or ‘winter’. In PMP the morpheme boundary separating *qamiS from the locative suffix was lost, yielding a new trisyllabic base *qamihan, which took over the original meaning of *qamiS ‘north wind’. History then repeated itself, and the locative suffix *-an was added to the new and longer PMP base to yield *qamihan-an (lit. ‘place of the north wind’) now meaning ‘north; rainy season’, since speakers of PMP had at this point advanced too far south for the recognition of temperate seasonality to any longer have a meaning.


*qanahaw sugar palm: Arenga spp.


PMP     *qanahaw sugar palm: Arenga spp.

Itbayaten anahawfan palm: Livistona spp.
Ilokano anáawkind of tall palm: Livistona rotundifolia
  in-anáaw-ankind of hat made with anáaw leaves
  ka-anáaw-anpalm grove
Itawis anáwpalm sp.
Casiguran Dumagat anáwpalm of the genus Livistona (the leaves are used for roofing houses, and for raincapes; the outer bark is stripped and used for flooring, bows and arrow shafts)
Kapampangan anawkind of wild palm
Tagalog anáhawfan palm: Livistona spp.
Bikol anáhawfan palm, possessing fronds which may be used for hats and thatching for houses: Livistona chinensis
Hanunóo ʔanaháwpalm sp.: Livistona robinsoniana Becc.; the bold was formerly much prized as a source of bow wood
Aklanon anáhawfan palm: Livistona rotundifolia
Cebuano anáhawkind of palm with fan-shaped leaves: Livistona rotundifolia. The leaves are used for mats, hats, etc. Potted anáhaw are widely used for ornamental purposes
  anáhaw mubuʔornamental palm similar in appearance to the anáhaw: Licuala spinosa
Subanen/Subanun anahawtree whose long leaves are used in religious dances
Kenyah anawpalm sp.
Kayan anawpalm sp.
Ngaju Dayak hanawpalm sp.; its pith is boiled down to obtain a red sugar, and its bast used to make cordage
Banjarese hanawa palm: Arena spp.
Iban anawa palm: Arena spp.
Malay enawsugar-palm: Arenga saccharifera (Java)
Old Javanese hanothe aren-palm (Arenga saccharifera)
Buginese anawsugar palm
Mayá ꞌna³palm tree: Arenga pinnata

Note:   Although PWMP *qanahaw clearly designated some subset of palm trees, the membership of this set remains unclear. Philippine witnesses are unanimous in indicating the fan palm (genus Livistona), whereas the languages of western Indonesia are equally unanimous in indicating the sugar palm (genus Arena). If PWMP *izuk designated the sugar palm itself, rather than its horse-hair-like fibers, this would leave the fan palm as the most likely referent of *anahaw.


*qani proximal deictic: this


PAN     *qani₁ proximal deictic: this

Atayal qanithis, these, here
Mamanwa w-anithis
Mansaka y-anithis
Bilaan (Sarangani) anithis
Kayan (Uma Juman) ani-hthis
Bugotu anithis, here

Note:   See note to *qadi. The Kayan (Uma Juman) deictics in general have a secondary final h of unknown provenance.


*qanibuŋ fruit-bearing bush or tree


PAN     *qanibuŋ fruit-bearing bush or tree

Paiwan qanivuŋPhoenix hanceana var. formosana (bush and fruit)


PMP     *qanibuŋ a palm, probably Oncosperma sp.

Ilokano aníbuŋCaryota cumingii Lodd. The fish-tail palm: a slender palm with spreading leaves and numerous flabelliform leaflets, the apex of which is obliquely truncate and irregularly and prominently toothed. It yields a kind of tinder and its leaves are used for ornamental purposes
Isneg aníboŋthe fish-tail palm: Caryota cumingii Lodd.
Kankanaey aníbuŋtinder. The name is also applied to many plants which provide it, as the Asclepiadaceae, cat-tail or mace reed, etc.
Kapampangan aniboŋwild palm; kind of starch
Kalamian Tagbanwa kanibuŋkind of hard palm used for bows
  kaniƀuŋtype of hard palm formerly used for bows
Palawan Batak ʔaníbuŋtree sp.; tree shoots or suckers
Cebuano aníbuŋfishtail palm: Caryota spp. It is found in forests and used as flooring
Maranao aniboŋa palm, Oncosperma sp.; type of rattan
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) enivuŋany palm of the genus Oncosperma
Berawan (Long Terawan) niuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Berawan (Batu Belah) nikuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Miri nibuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Kenyah (Long Jeeh) ñibuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Kayan (Uma Juman) ñivuŋany palm of the genus Oncosperma
Malagasy anívonaa palm used in house-building. The wood is also used as a torch by the queen's messengers who travel by night
Iban niboŋtall prickly cluster palms, Oncosperma spp.: Oncosperma horridum Scheff. (bayas) growing inland; Oncosperma tigillarium (filamentosum) Blume (niboŋ proper) coastal, with leaves arched; niboŋ wood resists teredo and termites; yields posts, piles, ribs of leaf thatch, split flooring; spines make blowpipe darts; fruit can be used as betel (pinaŋ) and the 'cabbage' (upaʔ) is edible
Malay niboŋthe well-known 'nibong' palm, Oncosperma filamentosa; the name is applied also to Orania macrocrandus (niboŋ ibul), and to another Oncosperma (niboŋ padi). The true niboŋ has a thorny trunk so that climbing it is synonymous with 'asking for trouble'
  niboŋ panithe hairy substance found in an ear of maize
Acehnese nibōŋpalm sp.: Oncosperma filamentosum Bl.
Simalur anifuŋpalms of the genus Oncosperma
Karo Batak nibuŋpalm sp.; from its trunk laths are made that can be used instead of planks in making flooring, etc.
Rejang nibuŋtree sp.
Sundanese nibuŋbetel-nut palm: Areca spp.

Note:   Also Malagasy anívo ‘a species of palm (Prov.)’, Toba Batak libuŋ ‘kind of wild coconut palm which grows in the forest’. Although the referent of PAn *qanibuŋ remains indeterminate, it is clear that PMP *qanibuŋ was used for one or more types of palms that were evidently useful in making flooring (reflexes in Cebuano, Iban, Karo Batak, and perhaps Malagasy). Throughout the northern and central Philippines the referent is the Caryota, or fish-tail palm, while in the southern Philippines, Borneo, the Malay Peninsula, and Sumatra it is the genus Oncosperma. In Blust (1984-1985) I associated *qanibuŋ with Caryota, but the known distribution of semantic reflexes actually favors Oncosperma.


*qanih to harvest


PWMP     *q<aR>anih to harvest     [doublet: *qaniS]

Ilokano ag-ánito reap, harvest (grain)
Maranao aganiharvest rice
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) eɣaniharvest
Kelabit ranihharvest


*qanilaw a tree; Grewia spp.


PMP     *qanilaw a tree; Grewia spp.

Isneg alináw <Msmall urticaceous forest tree whose timber furnishes carrying poles
Hanunóo ʔanílawspecies of tree (family Tiliaceae)
Aklanon anílawsmall tree: Grewia eriocarpa
Cebuano anílawsmall trees or shrubs of the genera Columbia and Grewia found in secondary growth forests
Maranao anilawa tiliaceous tree: Columbia serratifolia (Cav.)
Tboli kenilawtree used for building, as medicine for conjunctivitis (obtained by squeezing the skin just under the bark), and for a chewing mixture
Malay nilaua plant, Cupania pallidula
  nilau nasia plant, Trichospermum javanicum
  nilau payaa plant, Commersonia echinata
Bimanese rino <Mspecies of forest tree
Komodo nilahardwood tree with black heartwood; Grewia (?)
Manggarai nilatree with thick trunk and small leaves, with wood that is useful for house-building; tree species: Grewia
Rembong nilatree species: Micropos and Grewia
Rotinese lino <Mtree sp.
Kei ai nila tree: Cassia fistula L.
Buruese nilaa tree, the "marong" or Ambon

Note:   Also Bontok alinʔew ‘tall tree with good bast fiber: Croton caudatus Geisel’, Kankanaey alinʔéw ‘small tiliaceous tree with white flowers: Grewia setacea Merr.’.


*qaninaw shadow, indistinct image


PPh     *qaninaw shadow, indistinct image     [doublet: *qaninu, etc.]

Kapampangan aninawshadow; reflection
Tagalog anináwvisible through a haze
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaninawsee something indistinctly, but partially recognizable


*qaninuŋ shadow


PWMP     *qaninuŋ shadow     [doublet: *qaninu]

Ayta Abellan aninoshadow
Palawan Batak ʔanínuŋshadow
Chamorro anineŋ <Ashadow; seclusion

Note:   Also Mongondow oliuŋ ‘shadow, that is, a shadowed or shaded place’. Chamorro normally reflects *u in a closed syllable as o, but sometimes shows a front vowel instead, as in *ijuŋ > gwiʔeŋ ‘nose’ or *li(n)duŋ > liheŋ ‘sheltered’.


*qani-Ruan a small bee: Apis indica


PMP     *qani-Ruan a small bee: Apis indica     [doublet: *qari-ñuan]

Kapampangan anigguanbee sp. (Bergaño 1860)
  pulut anigguan {one or two g's}honey of this bee
[Tagalog ligwánkind of honey bee (< *qali-Ruan)]
[Bikol ligwánbee sp. (< *qali-Ruan)]
[Aklanon lígwanlarge horsefly (< *qali-Ruan)]
[Cebuano ligwánsmall wild honeybee, having black and light orange stripes, nesting inside trees or walls (< *qali-Ruan)]
Malay neruanbee or hornet, species unidentified
Sundanese ñiruan <Asmall to middle-sized honeybee that nests inside tree hollows and rock clefts
Manggarai ruaŋyellowish-red bee smaller than the ordinary honeybee: Apis indica
Sika ruaŋbee sp.

Note:   Also Simalur aniwan ‘wild bee (< *qani-Ruan, with irregular *R > Ø (?)), Malay (Jakarta) ñaruan ‘bee or hornet’, Sasak keñeruh, keñeruh-an ‘bee’. It would be attractive to unite *qani-Ruan and *qari-ñuan under a single reconstruction. Since reflexes of (a) in our data are both more common and more widely attested (being found in WMP and CMP languages), *qani-Ruan is perhaps the preferred shape of such an invariant prototype. But under this interpretation we must recognize at least three independent metatheses (Ilokano, the Bornean forms, Toba Batak), of which the second followed the sporadic palatalization of *n before i. An invariant prototype *qari-ñuan not only exacerbates this problem, but cannot account for the stem-initial g of various Philippine reflexes. This difficulty might be alleviated by positing *qaRi-ñuan, but among other obstacles to such an interpretation independent evidence for a prefix *qaRi- is unknown. On balance, then, the reconstruction of doublets with complementary affixation, though not entirely problem-free, appears preferable to an invariant prototype. Sundanese ñiruan could be a metathesis of *qari-ñuan.


*qaniS harvest; to harvest


PAN     *qaniS harvest; to harvest     [doublet: *aRani]

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) -Hanito harvest


PMP     *qanih harvest; to harvest     [doublet: *qanih]

Ilokano ánito reap, to harvest grain
Isneg ánito harvest, to reap rice
Bontok ʔániharvest rice or other grain bearing plants; to gather seeds from certain weeds
Kankanaey ánito harvest; to reap; to crop, to pick
Ifugaw ániharvest (of the rice)
Pangasinan ánito harvest
  na-ániharvested crops (especially rice, corn)
  panaŋ-ániharvest season
Tagalog ániharvest
Bikol ániharvest, crop
  ar-aníh-anharvest time
Hanunóo ʔániharvesting rice with the bare hands, i.e. without the help of a bladed implement
Aklanon ánito harvest, gather a crop
Hiligaynon ániharvest, produce
Cebuano ániharvest (usually rice, but by extension, other crops); get benefit from something
  in-ániharvested rice or millet
Mamanwa anihharvest
Malay ani-aniharvesting knife (in Java)
Old Javanese hanirice in the field?
Javanese ani aniharvest rice plants with a large harvesting knife
Balinese añiharvest rice
  añi añithe kind of knife traditionally used for cutting rice; the heads are cut off just below the grain, leaving most of the straw standing in the field


PAN     *maR-qani harvest; to harvest

[Puyuma (Tamalakaw) maR-Ha-Hanito harvest]
Bikol mag-ániharvest, reap
Hanunóo mag-ʔániharvest with the hands
Hiligaynon mag-ániharvest, reap


PWMP     *qanih-an the harvest, what is harvested

Isneg aniy-ānto harvest, to reap rice
Bikol aníh-anto harvest, reap
Aklanon aníh-anthe harvest
Old Javanese hany-anrice ready for harvesting


PPh     *qanih-en to harvest, reap

Ilokano ani-énto reap, to harvest grain
Kankanaey aní-ento harvest; to reap; to crop; to pick
Hiligaynon ani-unto harvest, to reap

Note:   Blust (1989:123) reconstructed PAn *qanih, but a stronger argument can be made that the final consonant (lost in absolute final position in all languages, and retained only before a suffix in some Central Philippine reflexes) was *S. The palatal nasal in Balinese añi conflicts with Old Javanese hani, Javanese ani ani, and Malay ani ani (the latter probably a Javanese loan), and is treated here as due to secondary palatalization. Blust (1989) treated reflexes of *qaRani as affixed forms of the present reconstruction (*q-aR-anih), but parallels for infixation with *-aR- (in contrast to *-ar-) are difficult to find. For this reason I have returned to a modified form of an earlier solution (Blust 1970) in which *qaniS and *aRani (ambiguous for *(q)aRani(S)) are treated as doublets.


*qanta having an unpleasant taste


PWMP     *qanta having an unpleasant taste

Kapampangan antárank, rancid, as butter or pork
Tagalog antárancid odor or taste (of oil, lard, etc.)
Banjarese hantabrackish, as water; unpleasant (of the taste of food)
Sundanese hantainsipid, tepid, brackish
Javanese antastale-tasting

Note:   Aklanon aŋtá(h), antá(h) ‘burned, smelling overcooked’ probably is distinct.


*qantak stamp, put one's foot down


PWMP     *qantak stamp, put one's foot down

Cebuano antákstamp one's foot
Minangkabau (h)antakramming down; tapping with the forepart of the foot, the heel remaining stationary
Tae' antaklimp with a painful foot


*qantas cut through


PWMP     *qantas cut through

Kadazan Dusun antastake a shortcut
Banjarese hantasshortcut; take a shortcut
Sumbawanese antasfell trees, clear brush

Note:   Also Javanese ancas ‘take a shortcut’, Rembong antat ‘take a shortcut’. With root *-tas ‘cut through, sever; rip’.


*qantatadu large stinging green caterpillar


PWMP     *qantatadu large stinging green caterpillar     [doublet: *katadu]    [disjunct: *hantatadu]

Ilokano antatádokind of blackish freshwater fish, generally as thick as an arm and more than one foot long; its meat is esteemed by the Chinese
Kankanaey atatádobluish white caterpillar living on the taro plant
Ifugaw (Batad) antatādularge green caterpillar such as the common tomato worm
Bikol antatarólarge caterpillar species
  antataró-onbe eaten by such a caterpillar
Hanunóo ʔantatarúvaricolored taro beetle which feeds on the petiole of taro plants
Hiligaynon atatarócaterpillar
Cebuano atatalúkind of green caterpillar, especially fond of calladium and taro plants, and also found on citrus, turning into a butterfly
Maranao tatarocaterpillar
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) tetarucaterpillar
Tboli ketolucaterpillar, about six inches long, smooth skin, bright green color with red markings
Lun Dayeh tetaduhcaterpillar
Melanau (Mukah) tetadewcaterpillar
Toba Batak antatadukind of large green caterpillar
Angkola-Mandailing Batak antatadurather large caterpillar that adheres to leaves

Note:   Also Bontok attatádo ‘the larva of the Chrysomelid beetle’, Ilokano antatáteg ‘kind of white larva’, Mansaka antataroʔ ‘caterpillar’, Malay ulat centadu, ulat sentadu, Minangkabau sintadu, tintadu, Minangkabau (Negri Sembilan) mentadu ‘large green hairy caterpillar, believed by Malays to develop into a squirrel’, Mongondow tantaduʔ, tontaduʔ ‘large caterpillar that is found especially on the leaves of the ubi limituʔ (kind of tuber)’. Since the first two syllables of *antatadu do not appear to be a variant of the *qali/kali- prefix which often is found on the names of ‘creepy-crawly’ life-forms, this item is one of the rare reconstructed quadrisyllables that cannot be analyzed into two morphemes. While *qulej functioned as a generic term for the larvae of flies, butterflies and moths, *antatadu and its variants *hantatadu and *katadu evidently referred to a prominent green, probably stinging caterpillar commonly found on the leaves of tubers such as taro.


*qantem beat, thrash


PWMP     *qantem beat, thrash

Iban antamstrike (as a wave striking a boat); go on with
Malay hantamslamming; slapping; bumping against. Of a man bumping his nose against a tree; (vulgar) of sexual intercourse, etc.
Malay (Jakarta) antemhit, get angry with, thrash
Javanese antema blow with the fist
Balinese antemstrike, hit hard
Mandar ataŋhit (using an elongated piece of wood, iron, etc.)

Note:   Also Malay hentam ‘slamming; slapping; bumping against’.


*qantuk nod the head in drowsiness


PWMP     *qantuk nod the head in drowsiness     [disjunct: *kantuk]

Tagalog antóksleepiness
Tboli kotuknod (the head)
Malagasy ántokaa nod of assent
  mi-àntokato nod assent
  antòh-inabe assented to by a nod
Malay antokbe drowsy
Sumbawanese antuksleepy

Note:   Also Pangasinan toék ‘bow the head’, Old Javanese antuk ‘be or become sleepy’, Javanese aṇṭuk ‘nod the head (again and again)’. Possibly with root *-tuk₁ ‘bend, bow, curve’.


*qanunu shadow


PMP     *qanunu shadow     [doublet: *qaninu, etc.]

Palauan ləʔúl <Mscar; shadow
Windesi wanunushadow (van Hasselt and van Hasselt 1947, sub nin)


POC     *qanunu shadow; reflection; soul     [doublet: *qaninu, etc.]

Wuvulu anunushadow; reflection
Aua anunushadow; reflection
Vitu hanunupicture, movie
Kove anunushadow; picture
Lakalai halulushadow; reflection; photograph; occasionally spirit of a human being
Wogeo vanunushadow; reflection
Manam anunushadow; reflection
Gitua anunuimage, spirit, soul, photo, etc.
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka anunushadow
Dobuan anunushadow
Molima ʔanunushadow; reflection
Mono-Alu nunu-naspirit (living)
Nggela nunushadow; reflection, shape; picture, photograph
Kwaio nunu-nashadow, image, picture; 'shade' of the dead; one element in two-part conception of "soul", which departs body at death, and after liminal period goes to aŋogWaʔu, the land of the shades
  nunu-fiato shade (intransitive); overcast
Lau nunu-(na)shadow, shade; a likeness, photograph, picture, image
'Āre'āre nunu-nashadow of persons or things as cast by the sun; likeness, phantom, portrait, figure, carving; a man's very self
Sa'a nunu(ku)shadow of persons, reflection, likeness, carvings, soul, consciousness; a new set of gongs is said to be the nunu of the old set
  nunu i niureflections of coconut leaves; a zigzag in tattoo; a canoe decoration
Arosi nunu-naimage, shape, reflection, picture, carved post; it is also rarely used as auŋa, soul
Bauro nunuimage, reflection; principle soul
Santa Ana nunu-naspirit (living)
Gilbertese nushade, shadow, shadow pictures, outline
  nunushadowed, shady
  nunu-ato shade

Note:   Also Duke of York nono ‘to shade, shadow’, Meramera lunu ‘shadow’, Mota niniai ‘shadow, reflection’, Southeast Ambrym nini ‘spirit, soul, ghost, shadow, image, reflection’.


*qanuqus smoke soot


PWMP     *qanuqus smoke soot

Ayta Abellan anohsmoke
Hanunóo ʔánussmoke, as from a cooking fire
Agutaynen kanotsoot from a flame, or from the exhaust of a vehicle or engine
  mag-kanotfor a kerosene torch, firewood, etc. to produce soot and get things sooty
Cebuano anúʔussoot
Melanau (Matu) anussmoke (Ray 1913)
Kanowit anussmoke (Ray 1913)

Note:   Also Balinese andus ‘smoke’, Komodo nuh ‘smoke’, Manggarai nus ‘smoke’, Ngadha nu ‘smoke, cloud, dust cloud; to smoke, whirl upward; turbid, clouded over’.


(Formosan only)

*qanus₁ a plant: Begonia aptera (Hay)


PAN     *qanus₁ a plant: Begonia aptera (Hay)

Atayal (Mayrinax) qa-qnusa plant: Begonia aptera
Bunun (Takituduh) qanusa plant: Begonia aptera

Note:   Also Kavalan ʔenus ‘a plant: Begonia aptera’. This comparison was noted by Li (1994).


*qanus₂ spittle; to spit (intr.)


POC     *qanus₂ spittle; to spit (intr.)     [doublet: *kanisu, *kanus]

Tongan ʔa-ʔanuto spit
Niue anuto spit
  tau-anuto spit (plural)
Futunan ʔa-ʔanuto spit
  ʔanu-ʔanuto spit
Samoan anuto spit; spittoon
Tuvaluan anuspit
Anuta anusaliva, spit, spittle
Maori ānuspit; sputter


POC     *qanus-i to spit (trans.)

Mota anusto spit; spittle; the lungs
Makatea nusito spit
Rotuman ɔnusito spit
Tongan ʔanu-hi(trans.) to spit, spit on, spit out
Futunan ʔanu-sito spit in someone’s face, spit on someone
Samoan anu-siasmelly (said of dead animals, etc.)

Note:   Also Nggela aŋusu ‘to spit’, Kwaio ŋisu ‘saliva, spittle, gall’, ŋisu-a ‘to spit on’, Lau ŋisu spittle; to spit’, ŋisu-fi ‘to spit upon’, Arosi ŋisu to spit’, ŋisu-hi ‘spit on’. This reconstruction was first proposed by Milke (1968), who also cited several forms now included under the doublet *kanisu, but ignored the massive amounts of irregularity that must be accepted in order to maintain a single proto-form *qanusi. The POc base apparently was a trisyllabic verb ending with *–i, which was reinterpreted in Proto-Polynesian as containing the ‘close transitive’ suffix –i, thereby giving rise to an innovative stem ʔanu.


*qanusi to spit at (as an insult?)


POC     *qanusi to spit at (as an insult?)     [doublet: *kanisu]

Mota anusto spit; spittle; the lungs
Makatea nusito spit
Rotuman ɔnusito spit
Tongan ʔa-ʔanuto spit
  ʔanuh-ito spit, spit on, spit out
Niue anuto spit
  tau-anuto spit (plural)
Futunan ʔanu-ʔanuto spit
  ʔanu-sito spit in someone’s face, spit on
  anu-siabe smelly (said of dead animal, etc.)
Tuvaluan anuto spit
Anuta anusaliva, spit, spittle
Maori ānu (< ʔa-ʔanu )to spit, sputter

Note:   Also Nggela aŋusu ‘to spit’, Kwaio ŋisu ‘saliva, spittle, gall’, ŋisu-a ‘to spit on’, Lau ŋisu spittle; to spit’, ŋisu-fi ‘to spit upon’, Arosi ŋisu to spit’, ŋisu-hi ‘spit on’. This reconstruction was first proposed by Milke (1968), who also cited several forms now included under the doublet *kanisu, but ignored the massive amounts of irregularity that must be accepted in order to maintain a single proto-form *qanusi. The POc base apparently was a trisyllabic verb ending with *–i, which was reinterpreted in Proto-Polynesian as containing the ‘close transitive’ suffix –i, thereby giving rise to an innovative stem ʔanu.


(Formosan only)

*qaNa stranger; enemy


PAN     *qaNa stranger; enemy

Saisiyat ʔælaenemy
Amis ʔadaenemy
  misa-ʔadado evil against; make a person out to be bad
Puyuma ʔala-ʔalastranger to the group (other Austronesians); enemy
  pi-ʔalabecome an enemy
Paiwan qalʸaenemy, stranger
  qalʸa-qalʸaoutsiders, guests from other villages
  si-ka-ta-qalʸá-none’s own villagers
Paiwan (Western) q<m>alʸa-qalʸato entertain guests
  se-qalʸato be shy
  tju-qalʸaother villages

Note:   Because PAn *pajiS ‘enemy’ can be reconstructed on the basis of Formosan-only data, and none of the glosses in published sources mention ‘stranger’, I assume that *qaNa and *pajiS differed in meaning, the former meaning essentially ‘stranger, someone not from our group’, and the latter ‘enemy’. Given the insecure conditions in which tribal societies often lived it is hardly surprising that the notion ‘stranger’ would easily include that of ‘enemy’, and the delicate ambivalence between guest and enemy (the positive reception of the outsider vs. the negative reception of the outsider) that is so penetratingly discussed in the Indo-European context by Benveniste (1973:71-83) is also reflected in various forms of this term, which include ‘enemy’, ‘stranger’, ‘guest’ and ‘one’s own villagers’.


*qaNeb doorway, door


PAN     *qaNeb door

Pazeh ʔaƚebdoor, gate
Pazeh (Kahabu) ʔaləbdoor
Amis (Kiwit) sa-qaɬevdoor
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) H<em>a-Halevto close


PAN     *qaNeb close a door

Puyuma ʔaləbclose
  ma-ʔaləbto close
  ʔaləb-iClose the door!


PMP     *qaneb close a door

Kavalan doordoor
Yami anebclose door


PAN     *qaNeb-an door panel

Puyuma ʔaləb-andoor panel
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Halv-andoor


PMP     *qaneb-an (gloss uncertain)

Yami aneb-anclose the door

Note:   Also Yami paneb ‘door’, Casiguran Dumagat gánəb ‘door; close a door’. With root *-Neb ‘door’.


*qaNi weaving spindle


PAN     *qaNi weaving spindle     [disjunct: *hanay, *hanʔey 'arrange the warp on the loom']

Paiwan qalʸi-anspindle and whorl (for weaving)
Malay meŋ-aniarrange the warp on a loom (so as to create the pattern)
Balinese hañi <Athe warp in the loom


*qaNi- variant of the *qali/kali- prefix


PAN     *qaNi- variant of the *qali/kali- prefix

Amis ʔaƚipaŋpaŋbutterfly (Ogawa 1934)
Bunun qanivalvalrainbow
Kanakanabu ʔaƚimətək-apaddy leech
Rukai (Budai) ɭiaɭiváranəbutterfly
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Halivaŋvaŋbutterfly
Bikol aniniŋálecho
Cebuano aniníputfirefly


*qaNiC animal skin, hide, leather


PAN     *qaNiC animal skin, hide, leather

Amis ʔaditscab over a healing wound
Tsou hicileather
Saaroa alhicileather
Paiwan qalʸitsskin, pod, shell


PMP     *qanit animal skin, hide, leather

Kankanaey ánitbark; skin (of ánes, a kind of bamboo much used in basket-making
Tagalog ánitscalp
  anítshaved close
Bikol ánitanimal skin, hide, pelt; leather
Hanunóo ʔánitmolting of animals, as of reptiles, insects, etc.
Kalamian Tagbanwa kanitremove hide
Cebuano ánitleather; remove the skin, peels
Maranao anitskin (as of a carabao)
Kadazan Dusun anitskin, peel
  maŋ-anitto skin, to peel, to strip the skin off
Kelabit anittree bark, pig skin (rude when used for people)
Kenyah anitskin
Murik anitskin (of animals)
Kayan anitanimal skin, hide
Kayan (Uma Juman) anitskin
  ŋ-anitto skin, flay
Bukat anitskin
Iban anitgnaw, nibble, tear off with the teeth (as the skin of a fruit)
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) añitanimal skin with the hairs on it, pelt (of small animal)
Gorontalo walitoskin (of animals)
Rembong anitsubcutaneous tissue between the skin and muscles
Sika anitto skin, to flay (as a deer)


PAN     *q<um>aNiC to skin an animal

Paiwan q-m-alitsto skin (animal)


PMP     *q<um>anit to skin an animal

Kenyah m-anitto skin
Kayan m-anitskin an animal; peel off an outer covering or layer


PWMP     *qanit-an to skin an animal

Bikol anít-anto flay or skin an animal
Kadazan Dusun onit-anto skin, to peel, strip the skin off

Note:   Also Manobo (Western Bukidnon) anis ‘to skin an animal’. Blust (1970) reconstructed *(q)añiC ‘skin, hide’, but the medial nasal appeared to conflict with Formosan reflexes. Evidence from Kayan, Kenyah, Bukat, and perhaps Iban, all of which preserve the *n/ñ distinction, also contradicts the reconstruction of a palatal nasal, and it is now clear that the palatal nasal of Land Dayak forms such as Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) is best treated as a product of secondary assimilation. Animal, plant, and human integuments were represented in PAn by two distinct terms. PAn *qaNiC referred to animal skin (both on the animal, and removed), as opposed to *kuliC ‘skin (of humans)’. PAn *q-um-aNiC, and perhaps some other affixed forms, referred to the skinning of animals, of which deer are perhaps most frequently mentioned in the sample sentences of dictionary entries.


*qaNiCu ghost, spirit of the dead; owl


PAN     *qaNiCu ghost, spirit of the dead; owl

Bunun qanitughost
Bunun (Isbukun) Xanituʔghost
Tsou hicuspirit, god
Saaroa ʔilhicu <Aevil spirit
Siraya littoevil spirit
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HalTuowl


PMP     *qanitu ghost, ancestral spirit; nature spirit; corpse; owl; various plants

Itbayaten anitughost, spirit
  tabaaku núanituplant sp.
Ilokano anítospirit, ghost; superstition
  ag-anítoworship the spirits
Isneg anítospirit, ghost
Bontok ʔanítuthe spirit of an ancestor; any spirit
  ʔan-ʔanittuact as though possessed by a spirit
Kankanaey anítospirit, either good or evil
Ifugaw aninítothe word-base aníto, conveying the idea of a supernatural being (either a deity or a spirit), is always pluralized by the reduplication of ni, even in the Ifugaw invocations and prayers
Casiguran Dumagat anítotype of spirit
Ayta Maganchi anitoindwelling spirit (beneficent)
Kapampangan anítospirit (Bergaño 1860)
  mag-aníto, maŋ-anítomake offerings to the spirits
Tagalog anítoidolatry, superstitious custom
Bikol anítoancestral spirits once represented by carved wooden statues
Aklanon anítosbenevolent lesser spirits who go around counteracting the evil done by devils or evil spirits (the pagan version of a "saint")
Kalamian Tagbanwa kanitusupernatural power belonging to familiar spirits, evil spirits, and shamans by virtue of their relationship to spirits
Cebuano anítusupernatural beings which do not show themselves, and do good to people
Kayan toʔspirit, ghost
Ngaju Dayak hantucorpse, carcass
  hantu bantas, hantu baranak, hantu barunovarious kinds of evil spirits
  hantu-envery frightening being which causes all kinds of sicknesses. It is a person who after his death becomes a hantuen
Iban antuspirit, demon, or devil that can enter into men; familiar spirit, esp. of ancestor, in whatever guise it appears; the dead; any denizen of another world, the first being existing at the creation
  antu palaʔhead trophy, dried head of an enemy
Rhade mtâoghost, spirit
Moken katoyspirit
Malay hantuevil spirit; ghost. Generic for invisible spirits of evil that work in darkness or secrecy. They include: (1) demons of localities, (2) demons tied to special spots or tutelary spirits of freaks of nature, (3) demons behind natural phenomena, such as echoes, will o' the wisps, meteors, (4) invisible elves wandering about the earth, (5) evil spirits associated with definite diseases, (6) vengeful ghosts of the dead, e.g. of the murdered, (7) ghost-birds, harpies or vampires, (8) discarded divinities of older faiths, (9) the tiger-spirit attached to a sorcerer, (10) familiar spirits generally, (11) the magician's head as a familiar spirit, (12) familiar spirits of indefinite local character. Ghosts are credited by Malays with planting wild varieties of fruit; e.g. pisaŋ hantu would mean "wild banana". The word is therefore common in Malay botanical names.
  buruŋ hantuowl
Acehnese hantughost, evil spirit
  hantu rimbaforest spirit
Simalur hantuevil spirit, demon, ghost
Karo Batak (h)antunature spirit, lord of stream and wood; mountain spirits, in a certain sense the "owners" of their dwelling places
Dairi-Pakpak Batak hantughost, spirit
  me-hantuarouse sentiments of respect, awe or fear
Sundanese hantua certain evil spirit
  manuk hantukind of owl
Old Javanese hanituevil powers?
  hantuto die, dead, extinguished; death
  ka-hantuto swoon
Javanese antu(bookish) dead; (archaic) (evil) spirit
Sasak antuspirit, ghost
Uma anituspirit, ghost; village spirit
Bare'e anituname for the spirits that reside in the village temple (lobo) or in the smithy; a small snake that often stays in the temple ... is the personification of an anitu
Buginese anitukind of plant
Palauan ʔəlídgod; deity; spirit; sacred object (about which some prohibition is made); center
  ʔədu-lreligion, belief
Chamorro aniti <Adevil, satan
Rembong nitunature spirit
Ngadha nitutree sp.; earth spirit, earth personified and deified; nature spirit; all ancestors, all the deceased
Sika nituspirit of the dead
Rotinese nituancestral spirits; evil spirit; forest spirit
Leti nituspirit, ghost, spectre
Yamdena nituspirit, ghost, spectre
Fordata nitudead person; ghost, shade, spectre
Kei nitcorpse, shade, shadow, spectre; dead person
Dobel nitughost
Kamarian nitughost, spirit
Paulohi nituspirit of the dead
Buruese nitudeceased, corpse; ghost
Wuvulu aniʔuspirit of the dead
Lihir kanutcorpse; ghost
Tanga kinit <Acorpse; bush spirit or ghost
Vitu hanituevil spirit; local spirit (of rivers, mountains, big trees, caves)
Lusi antuspirit; ghost
Gedaged anut <Aname of a tibud (ancestral) spirit... Some say that Anut lived in the Laden region, others say Anut lived far away and did not concern himself about man; God, the creator of heaven and earth; the gods and idols of the non-Christian
Mbula konghost, spirit of the dead
Gitua anutu <AGod
Motu mase-anitudie from disease, not a violent death
Takuu aituspirit, ghost taxon
Mono-Alu nituspirit of the dead
  nitu-naspirit of the dead
Cheke Holo n-anitu, naʔitu <Mspirit, ancestral spirit, ghost, forest spirit; spiritual power; any unfamiliar, frightening presence
Gilbertese antia god, spirit, ghost
  anti-nadeify, hold or worship as a god
Kosraean inutgod, spirit, ghost
Marshallese anijGod
  anij-nijspell, enchantment; magic, sorcery, witchcraft
  anji-ncast a spell on
Pohnpeian enighost, usually considered malicious
  eni aramasancestral ghost
Mokilese enidemon, ghost
Chuukese énúgod, spirit, spirit of the dead, ghost
  énúú-n aramasspirit of a dead person that has acquired someone as a medium
Puluwat yanúancient god
Woleaian yalius(iu)ghost, spirit, god; chant directed to a god or spirit
Sonsorol-Tobi jarʉdighost, spirit (Capell 1969)
  jaryth(y)ghost, god (Quackenbush 1968)
Rotuman ʔɔitu(PN loan) god, object or worship; shark, stingray or other creature regarded as the habitat of a god; God
Tongan ʔeitu-matupuʔaname of a certain supernatural being
Niue aitughost, supernatural being
Samoan aitughost, spirit
  aitu-abe haunted
Tuvaluan aitufamily spirit in animal form which helped the family by providing omens and making predictions; ghost; fairy
  aitu-abe haunted
Kapingamarangi eiduspirit; ghost; monster; ancient deities
Nukuoro eidughost, spirit, god
  eidu aitreat as a totem, worship, treat as a supernatural being
Rennellese ʔaituworshipped deity, god, esp. the district gods; Lord, Jesus; worship a deity
Rarotongan aitugod, deity, spirit
Maori aitusickness, calamity; demon
  aitu-āof ill omen, unlucky; unfortunate, in trouble, misfortune, trouble, disaster, accident; omen, particularly evil omen


PPh     *qanitu-an (gloss uncertain)

Isneg anitow-ānshaman
Bikol anito-anmake a sacrifice to or hold a festival for a particular aníto


PMP     *maŋ-qanitu make offering to spirits (?)

Kankanaey maŋ-anítokind of big pink gusí (imported Chinese jar); it is supposed to throw out others of its kind that stand too near, whence its name
Kapampangan maŋ-anítomake offerings to the spirits
Malay meŋ-hantubecome a ghost
Yamdena maŋ-anituspirit medium, person believed to have the ability to communicate with spirits


PWMP     *maR-qanitu communicate with spirits (?)

Isneg max-anítocommunicate with the spirits
Bikol mag-anítomake a sacrifice to or hold a festival for a particular anito
Malay ber-hantuhaving a ghost; possessed by a ghost

Note:   Also Proto-Atayalic *ʔaliutux ‘ghost’. It is evident that *qaNiCu represented an important concept in traditional Austronesian-speaking societies. The basic notion appears to be that of ‘ghost, spirit of the dead’, as opposed to ‘soul, spirit of the living’ (*sumaŋed, q.v.). In some WMP and OC languages (as Karo Batak and Cheke Holo) and in many CMP languages, reflexes of *qaNiCu also refer to nature spirits, probably through the normal associative links of animism (ghost > ancestral spirit > nature spirit). The reference to ‘owl’ in Puyuma, Malay, and Sundanese suggests that this bird has long been regarded as a spectral manifestation in the Austronesian-speaking world, while the scattered references to plants (Itbayaten, Malay, Buginese, Ngadha) are perhaps best illuminated by Wilkinson's (1959) gloss for Malay hantu.


*qaNiŋu shadow, reflection


PAN     *qaNiŋu 'shadow, reflection

Kavalan niŋushadow, reflection
Saisiyat ʔaliŋoreflection (in mirror or water)
Amis ʔadigoshadow; human soul or spirit
Bunun qaniŋupicture; shadow


PMP     *qaninu shadow, reflection

Itbayaten aninoshadow, shadow figure
  anino-ento notice
Casiguran Dumagat aninɔshadow; to reflect (off the surface of still water)
Pangasinan anínoshadow
Sambal (Botolan) aninoshadow
Tagalog anínoshadow; reflection (on shiny surface, as mirror, etc.)
Bikol anínoshadow; reflection
  maŋ-anínoto reflect an image (as water, a mirror)
  paŋ-aninó-ancast a shadow on
Aklanon anino(h)shadow, reflection; image; silhouette
Cebuano anínushadow; cast a shadow on
Mansaka aninoshadow; reflection
Bimanese ninushadow; reflection
Kambera ninushadow, shadow-image; reflection (as in water)
  ka-ninube reflected in
Yamdena ninushadow; reflection
Alune ninureflection
Buruese ninocast a shadow; look down
  nino-hovershadow; gaze into
  ninu-nshadow; reflection

Note:   Also Paiwan qailʸuŋan ‘glass, mirror; reflection, shadow’, Isneg aniníwiŋ ‘shadow, reflection. A child who looks at its shadow in the evening, becomes very thin’, Ilokano aniníwan ‘shade, shadow, image’, Atta (Pamplona) alinu ‘shadow’, Toba Batak halinu ‘shadow; reflection’, Manggarai néneŋ ‘shadow, indistinct outline; invisible’, Paulohi nini ‘shadow’. Based on Tagalog aníno ‘shadow; reflection’, Toba Batak halinu ‘shadow; reflection’ Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *ali[n]u ‘shade, shadow, spirit’, but his comparison shows irregularities in both languages, and an etymon with this shape cannot be justified by any known evidence.

The problem that Dempwolff faced in dealing with this comparison was created by 1. a limited choice of languages from which to select cognates, and 2. the extreme variability of seemingly related forms meaning ‘shadow; reflection’, and often by extension ‘soul, spirit of a living being’ (for the identification of the soul with the shadow or reflection as a culture universal cf. Tylor (1958 [1871]:2:14ff). Since Formosan reflexes of *qaNiŋu and MP reflexes of *qaninu are complementary in terms of hierarchically ordered subgroups I have assumed that PMP *qaninu is a lineal continuation of PAn *qaniŋu with irregular change of the second nasal. Similarly, it would be possible to interpret POc *qanunu ‘shadow; reflection; soul’ as an irregularly altered form of PMP (and PCEMP) *qaninu, except that Palauan lechúl ‘scar; shadow’ appears to reflect *qanunu (with metathesis of the first two consonants), thus requiring the coexistence of PMP *qaninu and *qanunu as doublets.


*qaNuaŋ large ruminant species: carabao, water buffalo (?)


PAN     *qaNuaŋ large ruminant species: carabao, water buffalo (?)     [doublet: *qiNuaŋ]

Papora loanbuffalo
Pazeh núaŋbuffalo
Thao qnúːwandeer, carabao
Bunun qanvaŋcow; deer
Bunun (Takituduh) qanváŋdeer
  qanváŋ bonólbuffalo
Siraya (Gravius) luaŋlarge animal
Rukai (Tona) nwáŋəcow
Paiwan lʸuaŋcattle


PMP     *qanuaŋ large ruminant species: carabao, water buffalo (?)

Ilokano nuáŋcarabao, water buffalo
Atta (Pamplona) nuáŋcarabao
Isneg nuāŋcarabao, water buffalo
Itawis nwaŋwater buffalo, carabao
Bontok nuwáŋwater buffalo, carabao
Kankanaey nuáŋcarabao, water buffalo
Ifugaw nuwáŋwater-buffalo. Rarely used to work in the rice field terraces among the Ifugaw, but raised to offer a sacrifice for the ancestors (never offered to the gods and spirits who want pigs)
Tagalog an(u)wáŋcarabao
Hanunóo ʔanwáŋtamarau, timarau, a more or less straight-horned wild buffalo peculiar to the island of Mindoro: Bubalus mindorensis Heude
Aklanon ánwaŋcarabao, water buffalo
Tae' nuaŋbush antelope, an antelope with short horns: Anoa depressicornis
Buginese anuaŋrare large ruminant found in mountain areas: Anoa depressicornis
Makassarese anuaŋrare large ruminant found in mountain areas: Anoa depressicornis
Wolio nuakind of small, wild buffalo: Anoa depressicornis

Note:   Many reflexes of *qaNuaŋ have lost the first syllable with no apparent conditioning. In languages of the northern Philippines such foreshortening may have been favored by oxytonality in a polysyllable which came to be vowel-initial, but no rule can be stated. The referent of *qaNuaŋ is a matter of some interest. While this morpheme clearly referred to a large ruminant mammal, this leaves open several possibilities, including: 1. the larger variety of deer (Cervus equinus, or Cervus unicolor), which were widely hunted for their pelts in Taiwan at the time of European contact, 2. the carabao, or water buffalo, and 3. some other form of bovid.

The first of these choices is in some ways the least problematic, although 1) it cannot be justified by reflexes in both Formosan and WMP languages, and 2) PWMP *u(R)sa(h) must have meant ‘deer, Cervus spp.’, leaving PWMP *qanuaŋ with what presumably was some other meaning. If PAn *qaNuaŋ and PWMP *qanuaŋ had the same referent, then (and there is no reason to believe otherwise), it apparently was not ‘Cervus spp.’. It is noteworthy that reflexes of *qaNuaŋ refer to unique species of wild buffalo or antelope both in Mindoro (Bubalus mindorensis), and in Sulawesi (Anoa depressicornis). Neither referent can be original, however, since the species in question are geographically limited, and neither Mindoro nor Sulawesi is a likely Austronesian homeland. This leaves the carabao as a plausible referent of PAn *qaNuaŋ, with subsequent transfer of the term to various wild varieties of buffalo or buffalo-like animals. Since terms related to Malay kerbau, Tagalog kalabáw ‘carabao’ are widespread in mainland Southeast Asia, Indonesia and the Philippines, and appear to be loanwords both in Austronesian and in Austroasiatic languages (Headley 1976:467), it seems likely that the water buffalo was introduced into western Indonesia after the arrival of Austronesian speakers from the north. The Malay word kerbau then spread with the animal as far north as the central Philippines, but not further north (McFarland 1977:429).

What remains puzzling in all of this is the implication that the carabao was known to speakers of PAn (as *qaNuaŋ), and that the animal was preserved in Taiwan and the northern Philippines, but lost in areas further to the south. Where the carabao was lost the old name was reapplied to various wild bovids. Bellwood (1997 [1985]:219-22) notes that the Lower Yangtze cultures exemplified by, for example, the 7,000-year-old site of Hemudu in the northeastern portion of modern Zhejiang province, show several archaeological traits which make them prime candidates for a pre-PAn phase of the later Austronesian cultural expansion. Both the domestic pig and water buffalo were present in Lower Yangtze sites by 5,000 B.C., and it is possible that the water buffalo was transported to Taiwan (although no archaeological confirmation for either pig or water buffalo is yet available for the earliest agricultural levels in Taiwan). If so, it would make the apparent loss of the water buffalo at a later date further to the south even more puzzling.


*qaNuNaŋ a tree: Cordia dichotoma


PAN     *qaNuNaŋ a tree: Cordia dichotoma

Tsou həhŋəa tree: Cordia sp.
Kanakanabu ʔunúnaŋə <Aa tree: Cordia sp.
Rukai (Mantauran) uɭuɭaŋə (<? <M<ACordia myxa, plant with small sticky fruits
Isneg anúnaŋa tree whose leaves are prepared for the reception of good spirits, at the time of a solemn sacrifice
  maŋan-anúnaŋthe time when this tree bears fruit
Hanunóo ʔanúnaŋtree sp.
Agutaynen kanonaŋkind of large tree that produces green fruit; inside its green fruit there is a sticky substance which can be made into glue
Cebuano anúnaŋsmall tree with yellow-white fruit like a cherry: Cordia dichotoma. The fruit is mucilaginous, and is used for paste
Maranao nonaŋa tree: Cordia dichotoma
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) enunaŋa tree, Cordia dichotoma, the leaves of which are used in decoction for bathing a new-born child and its mother. The gelatinous substance in the fruit is used for paste. In times of famine the young leaves are dipped in honey and eaten
Mansaka anonaŋkind of tree which bears a sticky fruit
Malay nunaŋtree with fruit producing sticky sap used as gum
Minangkabau nunaŋtree with fruit producing a sticky sap used as gum
Sasak nunaŋtree sp.
Mongondow onunaŋkind of tree which produces glue
Manggarai nunaŋa tree: Cordia dichotoma
Rembong nunaŋtree sp.: Cordia dichotoma and Cordia subcordata

Note:   Also Pazeh anuna ‘plant sp.: Cordia myxa’, Ilokano anónaŋ ‘custard apple: Annona reticulata’, Yakan lunaŋ ‘a tree: Cordia dichotoma’, Bare'e anona ‘slime on the skin of fish’. Tsuchida (1976:139) reconstructs ‘PHes’ *(qₐu-)NuNaŋ, basing the first vowel on unambiguous reflexes in Kanakanabu and the Mantauran dialect of Rukai. However, all WMP reflexes which preserve the penultimate vowel point instead to *a. Provisionally I assume that the Formosan reflexes with prepenultimate u are products of assimilation to the penultimate vowel. This tree evidently was valued for the viscous sap of its fruit.


*qaNup to hunt wild game


PAN     *qanup to hunt wild game

Atayal qalupto hunt; chase away
Sakizaya mi-ʔaðupto hunt
Proto-Rukai *o-alopoto hunt
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Haluphunting ground
Paiwan qalʸupto hunt
Itbayaten anoppursue an animal
Ilokano anúphunter: a dog that scents game or is trained to the chase
Isneg anúphunter: a dog that scents game or is trained to the chase
Itawis anúpto hunt game
Bontok ʔanúphunt wild animals, as pig or deer; a hunter, of a dog (= hunting dog)
Kankanaey anúphound
Ifugaw anúpto hunt (e.g. in the communal forest)
Ifugaw (Batad) anúphunt wild animals with a dog; a hunting dog; to bark, of a dog
Casiguran Dumagat anópfor a man to hunt alone with dogs
Pangasinan anopto hunt with dogs
Kalamian Tagbanwa kanuphunt with dogs
Mamanwa anopto hunt
Dusun Malang k-anupto hunt
Proto-Sangiric *anupto hunt
Sangir anuʔthe hunt; spoils of the hunt


PAN     *q<um>aNup to hunt, go hunting

Saisiyat ʔ-oem-alopto hunt
Atayal q-m-alupto hunt; chase away
Kanakanabu ʔ-um-a-ʔanúputo hunt
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) H-em-a-Halupto hunt
Paiwan q-m-alʸupto hunt (wild game)
Ifugaw (Batad) -um-anupthat with which one hunts, i.e., a dog


PAN     *qaNup-an hunting ground, hunting territory

Atayal qlup-anto hunt
Bunun qanup-anhunting ground
Tsou hup-ahunting territory
Paiwan qa-qalʸup-anhunting territory


PMP     *qanup-an hunting ground, hunting territory

Isneg anup-ānhunting ground
Ifugaw (Batad) anup-anthat hunted, i.e., a wild animal


PAN     *qaNup-en what is hunted, wild game

Atayal qlup-unbe hunted
Paiwan qa-qalʸup-enwild game (object of hunting)


PMP     *qanup-en what is hunted, wild game

Itbayaten anop-enmake a dog (esp.) chase an animal or person
Ifugaw (Batad) anúp-onthat hunted, i.e., a wild animal


PWMP     *maŋ-qanup to hunt

Itbayaten maŋ-anopto pursue animals (of dogs)
Ilokano maŋ-anupto hunt with dogs
Isneg maŋ-anúpto hunt with dogs
Itawis maŋ-anupto hunt game
Kankanaey maŋ-anupto hound, to hunt, to course (with dogs)
Ifugaw maŋ-anupto hunt (e.g. in the communal forest)
Siang ŋ-anupto hunt
Paku ŋ-anupto hunt
Sangir maŋ-anuʔto hunt wild pigs with spear and dogs


PPh     *paŋ-qanup hunting dog

Isneg paŋ-anuphunter (dog)
Ifugaw (Batad) paŋ-anupthat used to hunt, i.e., a dog
Manobo (Ata) paŋ-anupto hunt with dogs

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak andop ‘what is hunted; pursue the hunt’, m-andop ‘to hunt (quadrupeds, birds, monkeys)’. The relationship between *-um and *maŋ- in this cognate set is of some interest. Although only the former can be reconstructed for PAn, both active verb affixes were present in PMP. However, in PMP *qanup the use of *-um- appears to have been largely or entirely supplanted by *maŋ- for the active verb. Although the PAn and PMP words can be reconstructed only in the meaning ‘to hunt wild game’, in a number of Philippine languages reflexes of *qaNup mean both ‘to hunt’ and ‘hunting dog’.


*qañud drift on a current, carried away by flowing water


PAN     *qañud drift on a current, carried away by flowing water

Saisiyat ʔaelorwash away
Seediq qəlul-iʔbe adrift (Tsuchida 1976:168)
Amis ʔalolbe carried away by water so that it is no longer seen
Thao mu-qazusto drift away, be carried off, as by a current
Bunun (Takituduh) qanube carried away by water, drift away
Tsou ŋ-ohcuadrift
Saaroa m-u-alhusuadrift
Rukai (Budai) mu-áɭuDuadrift
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) m-u-a-laHud <Mto flow (of water), be adrift
Paiwan qalʸudjto lose, throw away
  se-qalʸudjbe lost (object); die (person); be carried away by current
Ilokano ànuddrift, float; be driven along, carried away (by a current of water)
Bontok ʔánudbe swept away by a flow of water
Kankanaey ànudbe carried away, swept away (by the current)
Ifugaw ànudconcept of floating away, being taken away by the strong current of a river
Ifugaw (Batad) ānudto float inanimate objects downstream; to float downstream, of inanimate objects, of a dead person
Casiguran Dumagat anódfloat away, be swept away (by water or wind)
Pangasinan anórto drift
Ayta Abellan anolto be carried by current
Kapampangan añudcarried away on a current
Tagalog ánodflotsam; spread of water
Bikol ánodbob on the surface of the water
Hanunóo ʔánuddrifting with the current of a stream or river
Aklanon ánodfollow the current, drift
Hiligaynon ánuddrift, float with the current
Cebuano ánudfor the current to carry something off; things carried away by floodwater; a person who just drifted somewhere or into something
Maranao anoddrift; driftwood
  ano-anodadrift; defenseless; adrift awhile
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) anudof a stream or river, to wash something away
Mansaka anóddriftwood; be carried by the current (as in a river)
  ánoddragnet (for fishing)
Tiruray ʔanurto float something downstream by the force of the current
Tboli konulcarried by water
Kelabit anudcurrent, direction of flow
Kayan añunset afloat and drift; drifting
Kayan (Uma Juman) añurcurrent; send adrift on the current
Ngaju Dayak hañutbe carried away (by water); deep (of sleep)
Malay hañutadrift, moving with the current; unattached
  pukat hañutdriftnet
Acehnese hañòtfloat away, be carried away (by a current)
Old Javanese (h)añutthrow something into the river (sea) to let it be carried away by the current (tide), especially of the ashes after cremation; to perform the funeral rites for; plunge something into, throw into, let something go down into, let something be carried away
Madurese añoʔcarried away by the current
Banggai maŋ-anusset something adrift
Uma anuʔdrift away (as on a river current)
Alune anuflow, stream


PPh     *i-qañud adrift

Ilokano y-ánudto float; to throw into a current of water
Ifugaw (Batad) i-ānudthat floated (downstream)
Bikol i-ánodget carried away by the current; drift, be adrift
Cebuano i-ánudbe carried off (e.g. by floodwater)


PMP     *ma-qañud adrift

Ilokano ma-ánuddrift, float; be driven along, carried away (by a current of water)
Itawis m-ánudbe carried by current; to drown
Kankanaey m-a-ʔacúnu <Madrift
  ma-ánudbe carried away, swept away (by the current)
Kapampangan m-añudcarried away on a current, adrift
Kayan (Uma Juman) m-añuradrift, drifting
Dairi-Pakpak Batak m-anunadrift, carried away on a current
Banggai ma-anusdrift on a current
Uma ma-anuʔdrift away (as on a river current)
Kamarian manufloat, drift, be adrift
Paulohi manu-elet something go adrift (as a boat on water)
Alune m-anuflow, stream; float away; carried off on a current
Asilulu m-anuto float (in the current), as a bottle; to drift
Wakasihu manudrift
Buruese manodrift, flow, move downstream
  mano-kmanu-kgo downstream
  mano-nfloating, drifting


POC     *maqañur floating, adrift

Seimat mandrift, float on a current
Sa'a häu menupumice stone
Arosi manuto float in water or air, as pumice, the moon, frigate hawk
Chuukese maanbe becalmed, adrift; drift; soar (without flapping wings), glide; do a dance movement with outstretched arms
Puluwat maanto drift, as a becalmed canoe; dance with rotating hips
Woleaian maal(iu)drift, be adrift (as a canoe)
Rotuman mɔnuto float
Tongan maʔanube afloat, not to be resting on or touching the bottom; kind of jelly-fish (kolukalu) that stays at or near the top of the sea
Samoan mānucome to the surface, emerge (as a turtle)
Rennellese maʔanuto float, drift, soar; to leap, as in a dance
Maori mānufloat; be launched: so start, of an expedition by water; overflow; be flooded


PAN     *pa-añud set adrift

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) pa-a-laHud <Mset adrift
Aklanon pa-ánodgo downstream; let drift
Cebuano pa-anúdallow oneself to go with the current, but with control; drift net which is left to float in the sea and catches fish by the gills
Kayan p-añunto set drifting (as a raft on the river)
Rarotongan pa-anudrift, a drifting, leeway, floatage or flotsam, the floating capacity of a thing; anything that floats or drifts; to float or swim on liquid, be buoyed up, drift about aimlessly, float or drift away


PPh     *paŋ-añud (gloss uncertain)

Ifugaw (Batad) paŋ-ānudway in which something drifts
Aklanon paŋ-ánodcloud
Cebuano paŋ-ánudcloud


PWMP     *q<um>añud move on a current

Ifugaw (Batad) um-ānudone who floats something downstream
Kelabit m-anudto flow, move on the current
Kayan m-añunmake to drift; drifted; to backslide; to run, of color in fabric


PPh     *qañud-en adrift

Ifugaw (Batad) ānud-onthat floated (downstream)
Hiligaynon anud-undrift, float with the current


POC     *mañur mañur float, be adrift

Seimat manu-mandrifting
Lau manu-manuto float
  fou manu-manupumice
'Āre'āre manu-manuto float
  hau manu-manupumice stone
Sa'a mänu(menu)to float
Rotuman mɔn-mɔnuto float

Note:   Also Puyuma (Tamalakaw) m-u-a-Hanun ‘to flow (of water in a small quantity)’, Ifugaw (Batad) annúy ‘float downstream, as of a person in play, or inanimate objects’, Banggai ma-anus ‘drift on a current’, maŋ-anus ‘set adrift on a current’. On the basis of apparent irregularities in some Formosan reflexes Tsuchida (1976:200-201) reconstructs a final palatal in this form, hence *qañu(zZ). However, the reconstruction of final *z or *Z is unparalleled, and runs counter to well-established constraints on the occurrence of final palatals other than *j (which may have been a palatalized velar rather than a true palatal) in PAn, PMP and PWMP morphemes generally. The discovery of Oceanic reflexes which preserve the final consonant could in principle resolve this issue: if such forms indicate POc *ma-qañus Tsuchida would be vindicated; if instead they point to POc *ma-qañur his proposal would be contradicted. To date no such Oceanic reflexes have been found. Pending some other explanation for the problems which Tsuchida noted, then, I follow Dempwolff (1934-38) in positing *-d.


*qaŋab gape, open the mouth wide


PMP     *qaŋab gape, open the mouth wide     [disjunct: *qaŋap]

Bontok ʔaŋabtake a bite out of something, as an apple; bite on; snap, of a dog
Kapampangan aŋabhave the mouth open, as a baby bird being fed by its parents, or a baby sucking at the breast
Maranao aŋabopenmouthed bewilderment
Minangkabau (h)aŋapgasp
Sa'a aŋato open
  aŋa wawaopen the mouth to speak


*qaŋap gape, open the mouth wide


PMP     *qaŋap gape, open the mouth wide

Berawan (Long Terawan) aŋaʔwide open, of the mouth
Minangkabau (h)aŋapgasp
Old Javanese aŋapgaping
Javanese aŋapopen(ed) (of the mouth)
Tae' aŋaʔmouth (in the songs of curing rituals); seek, desire, long for
Sa'a aŋato open
  aŋa wawaopen the mouth to speak

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak babaŋap ‘wide, large (used only of the opening of large pots and cannons)’, Ngaju Dayak raraŋap ‘gape wide (of the throats of crocodiles, pigs, large fish, or snakes)’, Banggai aŋat ‘open wide, as the mouth’, Lau āŋa ‘open the mouth wide’, Lau āŋa fafa ‘gape’. With root *-ŋap ‘open, of the mouth


*qaŋeliC stench of burning substances


PAN     *qaŋeliC stench of burning substances

Paiwan qaŋelitsbe scorched (rice or millet)
Ilokano aŋlítbe afflicted with disease of the axilla or armpit. A peculiar odor (aŋlít) if diffused by the affected part of the body
Isneg aŋlítto smell of burning hair
Tagalog aŋhítpeculiar odor issuing from goats and armpits
Malay (h)aŋitfoul-smelling (dirty linen, dung, armpits, etc.

Note:   Also Bontok aŋílit ‘have an unpleasant smell, of burning hair or feathers’, Kankanaey aŋílit ‘to smell of burning (when burning hair, etc.)’, Ifugaw aŋilít ‘odor produced by singeing the hair of a pig, or the unplucked feathers of a chicken after it has been killed in a sacrificial performance’. This item may be used to illustrate the striking word family of ‘stench’ words which contain the phonemic sequence *qaŋe-. Reconstructed members include PAn *qaŋeliC, *qaŋeSit, *qaŋeRiS, *qaŋeRu and *qaŋeseR, PWMP *qaŋesej, and PPh *qaŋesu and *qaŋetej.

In addition many forms which are not known to belong to wider cognate sets are found in individual languages or in two or three closely related languages. Some of these are cited in Blust (1988:60ff). Others include Casiguran Dumagat aŋset ‘to smell burnt (of the burning smell of rice which is being over-cooked in a kettle)’, Ifugaw aŋbáb ‘bad odor of urine (or what seems to smell like urine)’, Ifugaw aŋdúd ‘bad odor of a corpse sitting on the death-chair’, Ifugaw (Batad) aŋhub ‘to have underarm odor’, Bikol aŋrós ‘referring to the smell of burned rice’, Maranao anseŋ ‘malodorous’.


*qaŋeRiS stench of spoiling fish


PAN     *qaŋeRiS stench of spoiling fish

Amis ʔaŋlisstrong smell of fish


PMP     *qaŋeRih stench of spoiling fish

Ilokano aŋrístench of fish, bats, etc.
Isneg aŋgíspread an offensive odor, said of the armpit
Kankanaey aŋgístink, smell bad; fetid, rank; stench, as of anything stale

Note:   Also Amis ʔaŋdis ‘strong smell of fish’.


*qaŋeRu stench of spoiled or souring organic matter


PAN     *qaŋeRu stench of spoiled or souring organic matter

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaŋRuodor of salted meat and vegetables in ferment
Paiwan qaŋeruodor of rotted crab
Pangasinan aŋlóodor or taste of sour milk or spoiled meat
Tagalog aŋgópeculiar odor of fermenting milk or like substances
Sundanese haŋrusmell strongly, as the flesh of some animals (e.g. tigers); body odor


*qaŋ(e)sej sweaty armpits, stench of sweaty armpits


PWMP     *qaŋ(e)sej sweaty armpits, stench of sweaty armpits

Ilokano aŋségstench of putrid urine
Bontok ʔaŋ-ʔaŋsə́gunderarm perspiration, the smell of underarm perspiration
Kankanaey aŋségto stink, smell bad, have a suffocating smell. For instance, the armpit
Ifugaw aŋhógsuppurating skin disease of the armpit, or the stench that it produces
Kapampangan aŋsadstench from the armpits
Bikol aŋsódunderarm odor
Aklanon áŋsodunderarm odor
Cebuano aŋsúdhaving body odor
Maranao ansedoffensive body odor
Toba Batak ansoksweat in the armpits

Note:   Also Bikol baŋsód ‘underarm odor’, Tiruray ansed ‘underarm perspiration odor’.


*qaŋeseR stench of urine


PAN     *qaŋeseR stench of urine     [disjunct: *qaŋ(e)cej 'stench of sweaty armpits']

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaŋseRstinking, of urine or fermented eggs
Ilokano aŋségstench (urine)
Ifugaw aŋhógsuppurating skin disease of the armpit, or the stench that it produces
Sundanese haŋsɨrodor of urine


*qaŋ(e)su stench of urine


PPh     *qaŋ(e)su stench of urine

Kankanaey aŋsóstink; smell bad (as cooked camote leaves)
Casiguran Dumagat aŋsósmell of urine
Ibaloy aŋsostrong odor (as of meat, dirty baby)
Aklanon áŋso(h)having the smell of urine
  ka-áŋsothe smell of urine
Cebuano aŋsúsmelling of urine (as a toilet)
  aŋsúh-ansmall ash-grey shark that has an odor like urine
Mansaka asoodor of urine


*qaŋeSit stench, musky odor of an animal


PAN     *qaŋeSit stench, musky odor of an animal

Amis ʔaŋsitthe stink of a skunk; the smell of certains kinds of plants
Tagalog aŋhítpeculiar odor issuing from goats and armpits
Bikol aŋhítreferring to the odor of a goat
  ma-aŋhíthave the odor of a goat
Aklanon áŋhitsmelly, having strong body odor (or an odor like the body odor; said of butter and some animals)
  ka-áŋhitbody odor
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaŋitgood/bad body odor
Cebuano aŋhítsmell bad like the body, rancid meat, milk, goats, cows; get to smell bad
  ka-aŋhítfoul smell
Mansaka aŋitoffensive odor (of armpit)
Ngaju Dayak ha-haŋitsmell of burnt rice, flesh, etc.
Banjarese haŋitburn up, become charcoal
Iban aŋitfresh or fragrant smell, cause to smell sweet, flavor
Malay haŋitfoul-smelling. Of the musty odor of dirty linen; the stench after the Krakatoa eruption; the smell of dung; the smell from armpits, etc.
Acehnese haŋétodor of perspiration
Sundanese haŋitstench of something burning or burnt
Nggela aŋiemit a strong smell or scent, good or bad, usually bad

Note:   With diachronic ‘antonymy’ in Iban (Blust 1980b).


*qaŋet anger


PMP     *qaŋet anger

Tiruray ʔaŋetshort-tempered, easily angered
Lau aŋo-aŋo rake, rake aŋo-aŋoanger (rake = 'stomach')

Note:   With root *-ŋeC ‘angry; gnash the teeth’.


*qaŋ(e)téj stench (of burning hair?)


PPh     *qaŋ(e)téj stench, as of burning hair

Bontok ʔaŋtə́ghave a strong smell, of the smell of urine or of the leaves of the sweet potato vine when cut up for pig food; have a strong taste, of the taste of half-cooked látoŋ (bean) leaves
Kankanaey aŋtégrancid. For instance, raw beans, raw cabbage, green chili pepper, butter, etc.
Ifugaw (Batad) aŋtógextremely unpleasant odor of decaying flesh, unwashed genitals, of smells worse than those referred to as munʔāgub or munʔagutūut
Bikol aŋtódreferring to the smell of something burning, usually skin, leather or hair
Aklanon áŋtodsmelling overcooked (said of food, esp. rice)
Hiligaynon ántudfetid, of odor, burnt
Cebuano aŋtúdhaving the smell of burnt hair, cloth, or flesh without fat; smell of burnt hair


*qaŋiR fetid, foul-smelling


PMP     *qaŋiR fetid, foul-smelling     [doublet: *qañir]

Toba Batak aŋirevil-smelling
Old Javanese haŋistink, smell
Manggarai aŋirrotten (of smell), rancid

Note:   Two observations suggest that this form may have been *qaŋ(e)liR: (1) An association of the meaning ‘repulsive odor’ with the phoneme sequence *(C)aŋ(e)CV(C) (where C = consonant) is widespread in Formosa, the Philippines, and Western Indonesia. (2) internal syllable reduction through shwa syncope and the simplification of heterorganic consonant clusters appears to have occurred in all three witnesses.


*qaŋqaŋ barking of a dog


PAN     *qaŋqaŋ barking of a dog

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaŋHaŋbarking of a dog
Kankanaey aŋáŋto call; to invite people from other towns to the bayás sacrifice; used only in tales
Tagalog aŋʔáŋstammering, stuttering
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaŋkaŋhowling cry of a dog when he has flushed a wild pig
Maranao aŋaŋcomplain
Kadazan Dusun aŋaŋgrowling, snarling
Kayan aŋaŋthe barking of dogs following an animal on scent
Ngaju Dayak (h)aŋaŋbarking of a dog


PAN     *q<um>aŋqaŋ to bark, of a dog

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) H-em-aŋHaŋ(of a dog) to bark, as a dog which is kept on a leash or shut up in a room
Kadazan Dusun um-aŋaŋto growl, to snarl
Kayan m-aŋaŋto bark, of a dog
Ngaju Dayak m-aŋaŋto bark, of a dog

Note:   Also Paiwan q-m-alʸqalʸ ‘to bark (dog's staccato bark when he spots game)’, Manggarai ‘sound of a restive dog; growling, barking’. Given the detailed semantic agreement of the reflexes in Kalamian Tagbanwa, Kayan, and perhaps the Paiwan variant, and the existence of other etyma such as *quaŋ ‘howling or yelping of a dog’, it is possible that PAn *qaŋqaŋ referred specifically to the baying of a hunting dog on scenting or cornering prey.


*qapah empty husk (of rice, etc.)


PMP     *qapah empty husk (of rice, etc.)

Ayta Abellan apahchaff
Kapampangan apábran, especially rice bran
Kalamian Tagbanwa kaap <Mhusk of rice
Manobo (Dibabawon) apachaff of rice
Mansaka apachaff
Tboli kafachaff; empty husks
Manobo (Sarangani) apahusk of rice
Tausug apa payhusk of rice
Banjarese hampaempty
Iban ampaʔempty ears (of rice) (Scott 1956); worthless, empty; rubbish, husk, chaff (Richards 1981)
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) ampalacking contents, empty (as grains)
Malay hampaempty; void of contents; null; fruitless
  meŋaŋan padi membuaŋ hampawinnow rice so as to remove the empty husk
Sundanese hapaempty (rice kernel, etc.); sterile (of plants; less commonly of animals or humans)
Bare'e apaempty, without contents, of rice husks without grains
Buruese apa-nempty (grain) hull


PWMP     *qapah qapah empty husk (of rice, etc.)

Dairi-Pakpak Batak apa-apaempty rice husk
Old Javanese hapa hapaempty ears (of rice)

Note:   Also Rejang apai ‘empty or unfilled ears of paddy or other cereals, Buli afa ‘chaff’. Although Buli afa could regularly reflect *qapa, Maan (1940) gives it as a loan from Tobelo. Since the latter is non-Austronesian, the resemblance of the Buli word to the other forms cited here may be due to chance.


*qapaliR surgeonfish: Acanthurus spp.


PMP     *qapaliR surgeonfish: Acanthurus spp.

Tausug paligsurgeonfish
Proto-Sama-Bajaw *paligsurgeonfish (probably < Tausug)
Marovo valirigeneric for several medium-sized dark surgeonfish
Rotuman alahi <Msurgeonfish: Acanthurus sp.
Rennellese ʔahagisurgeonfish: Acanthurus sp.

Note:   The Oceanic members of this comparison were assembled largely by Osmond (2011:103-104).


*qapejuq gall, gall bladder, bile


PWMP     *qapejuq gall, gall bladder, bile     [doublet: *qapejux]

Aklanon ápdoʔbile; bile duct (and/or) gall bladder
Miri fesuʔgall, gall bladder
Kiput pəsəuʔgall, gall bladder
Tonsawang awədubile, gall


*qapejux gall, gall bladder, bile


PAN     *qapejux gall, gall bladder, bile     [doublet: *qapejuq]

Pazeh apuzugall bladder; bile
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hapedugall bladder; bile
Paiwan qapedugall bladder; bile
Itbayaten apdobile
Ibanag aggugall
Isneg apdóbile, gall
Itawis ádubile
Arta apdugall
Ifugaw apgúbile, bile-sac (omens are taken with e.g. the bile-sac of a chicken)
Yogad ádugall
Casiguran Dumagat ápdubile, bile duct, gall
Pangasinan apgóbile, gall
Sambal (Tina) aplóhgall, gall bladder
Ayta Abellan aplogall
Tagalog apdóbile; gall; (fig.) bitterness
Bikol apdóbile, gall; gall bladder
Hanunóo ʔapdúbile, gall bladder
Aklanon ápdohbile; bile duct (and/or) gall bladder
Cebuano apdúgall, bile; something bitter to endure
Maranao pedospleen; bitter
Manobo (Dibabawon) apodugall bladder
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) epezugall bladder
Tiruray fedewbile; feelings, of an intellectual sort as contrasted with ʔena (visceral feelings)
Kelabit pedʰuhgall, gall bladder
  naʔem pedʰuhidiotic, inconsiderate (lit. 'without gall')
Narum petewgall, gall bladder
Kenyah (Long Anap) petugall, gall bladder
Kenyah (Long Ikang) pəɗəwgall, gall bladder
Kenyah (Long San) pəɗugall, gall bladder
Murik peru-ngall, gall bladder
  peru-ʔgall (used only in curses)
Melanau (Mukah) pedewgall, gall bladder
Kejaman pərəwgall, gall bladder
Ngaju Dayak perogall
Malagasy aférobile, gall, gall bladder; bitterness; costly
Iban empedugall bladder
Malay (h)empedugall
Karo Batak pegugall
  la erpegusaid of people: without substance, senseless, referring both to speech and to actions (lit. 'without gall')
Toba Batak pogugall
Nias awõchugall
Sundanese hamperugall
Old Javanese (h)amp(e)rugall
Javanese amperupancreas
Balinese amperugall, bile
Proto-Sangiric *pədugall, bile
Sangir pedugall; anger
Proto-Minahasan *apədubile, gall
Tontemboan aperugall
  t-um-eŋo in aperulook into the gall and liver of a pig in order to foresee the future
  raʔica niaperuansilly, stupid; someone who cannot grasp anything (lit. 'without gall')
Mongondow opoyugall
Gorontalo polugall, gall bladder
Uma pojugall
Bare'e apojugall, gall bladder (an object of examination in animals used for divination)
Tae' paʔdugall
  taeʔ paʔdu-nnahe has no understanding, no judgment (lit. 'without gall')
Proto-South Sulawesi *pɨzzugall, bile
Komodo perugall, bile
Manggarai pesugall bladder, gall; in expressions: not thinking, oblivious to custom; arrogant
Ngadha pedugall
Li'o peyugall
Kédang peyu-nbile, gall
Kambera ka-pídugall that lies on the lobe of the liver (favorable sign in searching for omens)
Hawu eɗugall
Rotinese hedugall, bile; bitter
  maka-he-hedubitterish (as taste in mouth of sick person)
Leti erugall
Wetan eria term applied to various internal organs, especially the milt; it may also mean: bile
Manusela wolugall
Seit weru-ngall
Asilulu welugall
Boano₂ n-enugall, gall bladder
Soboyo n-oyu-ñgall, gall bladder

Note:   Also Saisiyat paeʔzoʔ ‘gall’, Proto-Rukai *pago ‘gall’, PTso *paʔ₁azu ‘gall bladder’ (Tsuchida 1976:224), Bontok akgó ‘gall bladder’, Ilokano apró ‘bile, gall’, Bintulu ləpəɗəw ‘gall, gall bladder’, Malay lempedu ‘spleen, gall’, Simalur ampadu ‘gall, gall bladder’, Javanese rempelu ‘pancreas’, Bimanese folu ‘gall’. PAn *qapejux and its reflexes in other early proto-languages apparently referred both to the gall bladder and to its contents, although these are distinguished by modifiers in some attested languages (e.g. Iban aiʔ empedu ‘bile, gall’ = ‘liquid of the gall bladder’; Malay pundi-pundi (h)empedu ‘gall bladder’ = ‘sac of the gall’).

As is evident from several glosses cited here, the gall of various (mostly domesticated?) animals was widely used in augury, although specific details cannot be reconstructed. Most notably, a morphologically complex expression which juxtaposed a morpheme or sequence of morphemes meaning ‘without’ or ‘not having’ with the word for ‘gall’ was used in PMP to describe a person who lacked good judgement or a clear understanding of cultural expectations (cf. reflexes in Kelabit, Karo Batak, Tontemboan, Tae', and Manggarai). Unlike the case in European languages such as English, German, or French, where human gall typically is associated with emotions that are negative or out of control (anger, bitterness), reflexes of *qapejux in this expression (and in Tiruray fedew) are associated with positive character traits and/or social values.

At the same time the physical bitterness of gall has worked its way into the meanings of some reflexes, or into various expressions using a reflex of *qapejux which are cited in the sources consulted here (reflexes in Tagalog, Cebuano, Maranao, Malagasy, Sangir, Hawu and Rotinese, and such expressions as Malay pahit daripada hempedu ‘more bitter than gall’.


*qa(m)pelas tree with leaves like sandpaper: Ficus spp.


PMP     *qa(m)pelas tree with leaves like sandpaper: Ficus spp.

Isneg aplātFicus cumingii. Miq., Ficus odorata (Blanco) Merr., Ficus ulmifolia. Lam. Trees or shrubs with harsh leaves, that are used for scouring utensils
Bontok ʔapláskind of shrub with edible fruit. Its rough leaves are used for smoothing wooden utensils: Ficus ulmifolia Lam. (Morac.)'
Kankanaey appásFicus cumingii Miq., Ficus validicaudata Merr., and similar species. Shrubs with fig-shaped fruits and rough leaves; family Moraceae
Ifugaw (Batad) aplahto sandpaper with a rough leaf of an aplah tree; a tree (Moraceae Ficus odorata Blanco Merr. or F. ulmifolia Lamk.) the leaves of which are used for sandpapering
Ngaju Dayak hampelasgeneric for trees and vines the dried leaves of which are very sharp and rough, and are so used by the Dayaks to sand or polish woodwork, knife handles, etc.
Malagasy ampálya shrub or tree, the leaves of which are used as a substitute for sand-paper: Ficus soroceoides Baker
Banjarese hampalasa plant, Tetracera assa; the leaves are used as sandpaper
Iban randau empelascreeper with rough leaves used as sandpaper: Tetracera assa
Malay (h)empelasa plant: Tetracera assa; its leaves are used as sandpaper; to sandpaper
Toba Batak ampolasleaves which are used for polishing; also an implement of iron and bamboo used for polishing
Sundanese (h)ampelastree with leaves used to sandpaper or to polish
Balinese amplastree with hard, rough leaves which are used like sand-paper to smooth down wood
Sasak amplasa plant with leaves used as sandpaper: Tetracera assa
Mongondow opoḷattree with leaves that can be used as sandpaper: Ficus politoria
Tae' ampallaʔFicus semicordata, a type of fig tree with rough leaves used for polishing
Proto-South Sulawesi *ampiɨllastree sp., Ficus politoria L. (the leaves of this tree can be used like sandpaper)
Makassarese ampallasaʔtree with broad leaves used to sand wood smooth: Ficus Ampelas
Manggarai pelasa tree; its rough leaves are used to sand surfaces, and its small fruit is eaten: Ficus wassa
Asilulu welato file
  wela-tkind of abrasive leaf used for sanding


PWMP     *maŋ-qa(m)pelas to sandpaper, smooth by abrasion

Ifugaw (Batad) maŋ-aplahto sandpaper with a rough leaf of an aplah tree
Malagasy man-ampàlypolish wood with the ampály leaves
Iban ŋ-empelasto polish, smooth something
Toba Batak maŋ-ampolasto polish, scrape smooth or clean


PWMP     *q<um>a(m)pelas to sandpaper

Ifugaw (Batad) um-aplahthat with which one sandpapers, i.e., a leaf of an aplah tree
Malay m-empelasa plant, Tetracera assa; to sandpaper


PWMP     *qa(m)pelas-en be sandpapered, smoothed by abrasion

Ifugaw (Batad) aplah-onbe sandpapered with a rough leaf
Malagasy ampalèsinabe smoothed with the ampály leaves

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak tampelas ‘generic for trees and creepers with leaves that when dried are very sharp, coarse and tough, so that they are used by the Dayaks for sanding woodwork, darts, knife handles, etc.’, Javanese rempelas ‘a certain tree having rough-textured leaves; sandpaper’, Sangir belasseʔ ‘tree sp.’, Tontemboan awelas ‘Ficus politoria’, Mongondow poḷat, poat ‘tree with leaves that can be used as sandpaper’: Ficus politoria’, Rembong pelan ‘a tree: Ficus sp.’, Wetan apla ‘tree whose leaves are used as torch-wicks’. Ngaju Dayak hampelas exhibits the borrowed (Banjarese) reflex of *q-, but the native reflex of *e (Dyen 1956:85); I assume that it is a Banjarese loan which took place prior to the change of *e to Banjarese /a/. Since all three languages which reflect an initial consonant have merged PMP *q- and *h-, the initial consonant of *qapelas evidently is ambiguous. Tagalog haplás ‘rubbing application of liniment’ and similar forms in other Philippine languages are assumed to be distinct.


*qapiC tongs, anything used to hold things together by pinching


PAN     *qapiC tongs, anything used to hold things together by pinching

Saisiyat ʔæ-ʔæpistongs


PMP     *qapit tongs, anything used to hold things together by pinching

Agutaynen kapitclothespins
  kapit-enput a clothespin on something
Ngaju Dayak hapitpinched, pressed; long pieces of split bamboo, etc. that are used to fasten together the thatch of walls and roofs from both sides
Iban apitsqueeze, press (as a hand caught in a closing door)
Malay hapitpressure between two disconnected surfaces, as in a printing press; torture by pressure
Karo Batak apitclip
  meŋ-apitpinch, clip, squeeze
  peŋ-apitbamboo tongs
Simalungun Batak apitpinched, squeezed
Old Javanese (h)apitenclosed, squeezed, pressed
Sasak apitsqueezed in; squeeze in, as the attendants flanking the groom at a wedding
  apit baŋkethe middle child, if the eldest and youngest are already deceased
Bimanese apinarrow; pinch, squeeze; bamboo, etc. which is interwoven horizontally in a fence
Tongan ʔefihold or carry under the arm
  ʔefi-hipush or squeeze in between two things which are already close together; hold, grip or pick up between two things

Note:   With root *-piC, disambiguated from earlier *-pit by the Saisiyat form. Kavalan ipit ‘tongs’ (now assigned to *qipit) may also belong here, but given the large number of morphemes in which this root appears multiple interpretations of cognate assignment are often possible.


*qapid braid, twine


PAN     *qapid braid, twine

Bunun ma-qapito braid (of hair)
  q-in-apibraided (of hair)
Paiwan qapizsomething braided in six strands (as jewelry)
Bontok ʔapídplait, braid (as the hair)
Kankanaey apídplait, form into tresses, braid
Ifugaw apídbraid, entwine, interlace; applicable to anything that can be or is braided, such as ropes, strings, threads, mats, women's hair
Ifugaw (Batad) apidbraid with three strands, as of a rope, hair
Aklanon apídjoin, attach, enclose
Mongondow moyog-apidvery close together (as two trees)

Note:   With root *-pid ‘braid, twine together’. It is tempting to treat this material as falling into two distinct cognate sets, one meaning ‘braid, twine’ and the other ‘twin’. Amis ʔapi ‘twin’ suggests a probable connection between the two meanings.


*qapij twins


PMP     *qapij twins; double banana     [disjunct: *Sabij]

Agutaynen kapidtwin
Palawan Batak ʔápidtwin
Kadazan Dusun t-apidtwins; concubine of a married man
  maŋ-apidmarry two wives
Kelabit apidpartner, match, mate, complement
Kayan apintwin offspring
Kayan (Uma Juman) apireither of the halves of two things joined
  p-apirfused, as two bananas that have grown together; twins
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) apidadditional, extra
Singhi Land Dayak anak ber-opidtwins
Mongondow apidtwin, of fruit (e.g. two bananas grown together)

Note:   Also Amis ʔapi ‘twin; double (as a banana)’, Hanunóo kápid ‘twin(s)’, Hiligaynon kápid ‘twin, double’, Karo Batak galuh rapit ‘double banana’, Javanese Dampit ‘boy-girl twins’, Bare'e mo-rapi ‘twin’. Although PMP *apij can only be glossed ‘twins’, it appears that PWMP *apij referred both to twins and to double fruits, particularly fused bananas. The recurrent references to double bananas in such WMP languages as Kayan (Uma Juman) and Mongondow, and the parallel association of twinning with humans and fruits in the similar but non-corresponding Amis and Karo Batak forms, raise the possibility that *apij ‘twins’ and *qapid ‘braid, twine’ are actually the same morpheme (since both the strands of a braided rope, and double bananas are joined along the length). However, *qapid appears definitely to end in *d, and if Roviana avisi truly belongs in this cognate set (and not with *Sabij), *apij must end in *j.


*qapucuk peak of a mountain


PAN     *qapucuk peak of a mountain     [doublet: *pucek]

Amis ʔapocokthe very top of a mountain
Bisaya (Limbang) pusukpeak, summit
Iban pucokpoint or top, esp. of trees
Malay pucokshoot; top branchlet; leaf-bud
Toba Batak pusukpoint, treetop, peak, summit
Old Javanese pucuktop, highest or foremost point, beginning or end
Javanese pucukpoint, tip; beginning
Balinese pucuktip, point, top
Sasak pusuktop, point
Bare'e puncutop, peak (of a mountain or other lofty place
  puncu buyumountain peak
Buginese pucuʔvegetation; tip of a sprouting plant
Makassarese pucuʔtop of a tree, tip of the tongue
Muna pusutop, tip

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak pamucok (used only after the words mantir or kapala) ‘the highest; chief, leader’, Ngaju Dayak tampusok ‘peak; end of a fishnet’, Buginese pucuʔ ‘vegetation; high point, as of growing vegetation’, Makasarese (Turatea) pussu pussu ‘peak of a banana tree or bamboo with sharp point’. Based on proposed cognates in Tagalog, Toba Batak, Javanese, Malay, and Ngaju Dayak Dempwolff (1934-38) proposed *pucuk ‘peak’. Tagalog pusók ‘ardor, impetuousity’, appears to support Dempwolff's reconstruction of a disyllabic base, but is of questionable cognation. Finally, Bare'e sometimes preserves prepenultimate *a which came to be initial (e.g. *qapeju > apoju ‘gall’), and sometimes loses it (e.g. *qateluR > toyu ‘egg’).


*qapuR lime, calcium


PAN     *qapuR lime, calcium     [doublet: *kapuR]

Amis ʔapolwhite; lime paste made from burnt white stone soaked in water that becomes powder
Bunun apullime (Nihira 1983)
Kanakanabu ʔapúrulime
Itbayaten ápuglime
  in-apúx-ānchew, consisting of three parts: a section of betel nut, a piece of a betel leaf and a sprinkling of lime. When it is offered to the spirits, the lime may be wanting, but it is still called by the same name
Ilokano ápuglime
Itawis áfuglime for betel chew
Kankanaey ápuglime, limestone
  man-apiʔsaid of rice when the grains have spoiled and become white like lime (Bergaño 1860)
Ifugaw ápullime, lime-powder to be sprinkled over a betel pepper leaf enveloping a betel nut slice
Ifugaw (Batad) āpuladd lime to areca palm nut; lime made from snails (successive layers of reeds and shells are stacked and thoroughly burned; the shells are then pounded in water, yielding lime)
Yogad afuglime
Casiguran Dumagat apógslaked lime (part of the betel nut mixture)
Sambal (Botolan) apoylime
Ayta Abellan apoylime
Kapampangan apiʔlime (calcium oxide); used in making cement, and as a component of the betel chew
Tagalog ápoglime
Bikol apóglime (mineral)
Hanunóo ʔápugslaked lime, usually made by burning piles of clamlike shells; used principally in chewing betel, and for its reportedly medicinal properties
Abaknon apolime
Aklanon ápogpowdered lime (used in chewing betel nuts); to put lime (into)
Cebuano ápuglime made from burnt seashells; make lime
Maranao apoglime
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) apuglime
Mansaka apoglime (for betel nut chew)
Dumpas apuglime
Kadazan Dusun t-apuchalk, lime
Abai Sembuak afuglime (for betel)
Dali' aporlime
Kenyah apolime; sago flour
Murik apolime used with betel chew
Kayan apohslaked lime
Lawangan apoilime
Simalur axullime, calcium
Old Javanese (h)apūlime
  ma-hapūwith (having) lime
Balinese apuhlime, chalk (for betel)
Sasak apurlime, mortar, plaster
Proto-Sangiric *apuRlime
Sangir apuʔlime made from burnt coral limestone
Proto-Minahasan *apuhlime
Tontemboan apulime, calcium
  ma-aputurn to lime, turn to powder
Tonsawang awuhlime
Muna ghefilime
Palauan ʔáuslime for betel nut
Chamorro afoklime, birdlime, limestone (soft), quicklime
Bimanese afuchalk, lime
  afu mama kailime used in betel chew
Komodo apochalk
Rembong apoʔlime, calcium
Ngadha apopoorer grade, grainy chalk or lime
Sika apurlime, calcium
Lamaholot apulime, calcium
Kédang apurlime
Hawu aolime, calcium
Tetun ahulime, calcium
  tunu ahucook or make lime
  huu ahu(to blow lime) an animist practice for putting people to sleep, who do not wish to be clairvoyant (possibly hypnosis)
Erai aʔurlime
Kisar aurulime, calcium
Leti ārulime, calcium
Wetan airilime; to put lime on
Selaru aurlime, calcium
Yamdena yafurlime, calcium
Fordata yafurlime, calcium; very white, of the flesh of the sago palm
Kei yafurlime, calcium
  yafur avlādchalk
  yafur wātsmall calabash, Lagenaria idolatrica, used as a lime container with the betel chew
  enawun yafurburn lime
Watubela kafullime
Proto-Ambon *apurlime, chalk
Laha aurlime
Buruese apulime
Kayeli ahulelime, chalk
Kowiai/Koiwai loforchalk; lime
Buli yafilime, calcium
Dusner aperlime
Ron aferchalk, lime
Numfor aferlime, calcium
Nauna kɨhlime
Lou kɔplime, lime gourd
Penchal kɨplime
Lenkau koplime
Kuruti ahlime
Drehet ahlime (for betel)
Likum ahlime
Wuvulu afulime in lime gourd (cp. kakaweʔi 'lime not in lime gourd')
Bali (Uneapa) kavulime for betel chew
Lakalai la-havulime for chewing with areca nut, made from clam shell
Manam aulime
Mbula koucoral/lime
Gitua avulime (calcium oxide)
Numbami awilalime (for betelnut)
Motu ahulime (quick or slack)
Pokau avulime
Tubetube kaul-ilime for betel nut
Nggela avulime holder; slaked lime
Kwaio fou-lafuwhite powdery stone
  lafu-lafu-awhite surface, glistening white
  laful-iasprinkle with lime in ritual
Lau safulime, used in magic; smear with lime
  safu-safunative tobacco (first obtained from Savo Island)
'Āre'āre sahua lime, used in magic, on which incantations are done and put over the doorway outside on the ridgepole or blown around in the house; used as a protection for the house, the inhabitants and the belongings, against evil spirits, and sickness
  suru sahuput or blow the lime over the doorway, etc.
Sa'a sähulime, lime gourd; magic lime put over doorway outside on the ridge-pole with an incantation, a charm to protect the house and its belongings; used in black magic
Arosi ahubranching coral
Bauro ahulime
Southeast Ambrym e-ahlime (prepared from dead coral)


PWMP     *maŋ-qapuR make lime by burning shells

Casiguran Dumagat meŋ-apogmake lime out of shells
Old Javanese maŋ-hapūmake lime
Sangir maŋ-apuʔuse lime in the betel chew; burn lime
Palauan məŋ-áussprinkle lime on


PPh     *maR-qapuR prepare betel chew with lime

Isneg max-ápugprepare betel for chewing
Casiguran Dumagat meg-apogput lime in one's mouth (to add to the betel nut chew)
Cebuano mag-ápugmake lime for betel chewing
Tontemboan ma-apuadd lime to the betel chew


PWMP     *paŋ-qapuR-an lime container

Itawis paŋ-apúx-ānreceptacle for lime
Sasak peŋ-apo-nlime pot in the betel kit
Tontemboan peŋ-apu-anlime case; also the name of the gourd formerly used to make lime cases


PWMP     *paR-qapuR-an lime container

Ilokano pag-apúg-ankind of very small báŋa or earthenware jar used by chewers of betel nut for holding lime; any receptacle for lime
Isneg ag-apúx-anreceptacle for lime. It may be a small box made of wood or the horn of a carabao, a small glass bottle, a deer horn or the fruit of the limbokbókaw tree, but it usually consists in the shell of a small bottle gourd
[Tiruray fag-aful-anthe lime container in a brass betel box]
Javanese p-apo-ncontainer for slaked lime


PWMP     *qapuR-an lime container

Ifugaw pun-apúl-anlime-tube
Hanunóo ʔapug-ángeneral term for a lime container, whether of bamboo, shell, wood, a crab claw, or other material
Aklanon apog-ánlime box, case used for storing lime powder
Old Javanese aponlime (constituent of betel quid)

Note:   Also Tsou (Tsuchida) hapuru ‘lime’, Favorlang/Babuza abo ‘lime’, Paiwan qavu ‘betel lime’, Paiwan q-m-avu ‘apply whitewash’, Paiwan apu ‘betelnut quid’, Paiwan m-apu ‘chew betelnut’, Maranao apor ‘lime’, Puyuma (Tamalakaw) -apuR ‘chew betel nut with lime’, Samal apog ‘betel chew (literary)’, Simalur aul ‘lime, calcium’, Sundanese apu ‘prepared lime; wall mortar, betel lime’, Old Javanese apuh ‘lime’, Buruese ahul ‘lime’, Buruese apo ‘lime’, Seimat wap ‘lime’, Mbula kou ‘lime powder (made by heating up pieces of coral)’, ko-kou ‘be white’, Lau rafu ‘smear with lime or powdered rock, limestone or soapstone; lime the hair; white, from lying in ashes; white from immersion in the sea, encrusted with salt’, Lau fou rafu ‘limestone rock for whitening’, Kwaio safu ‘important divination using lime; magic, using lime, to protect from sorcery and foreign objects’.

PAn *qapuR and its descendant forms are one of the key elements in the linguistic evidence for the betel culture which accompanied Austronesian speakers as they spread from island Southeast Asia into the western Pacific. Betel-chewing spread as far as the Southeastern Solomons, but either never reached Vanuatu and points further south and east, or was replaced in those areas by the later, innovative consumption of kava (Piper methisticum), which evidently had its origin in Vanuatu (Crowley 1990).

Scattered references in a number of the sources clearly indicate that lime was made by the burning of mollusc shells or coral limestone, and in the earlier phases of Austronesian expansion was carried on the person in a small gourd container (later replaced in island Southeast Asia by the brass betel box). Lime may also have been used as a whitewash (oblique references in Amis and Kwaio), and by at least PCEMP times, if not earlier, lime powder evidently was blown as a ritual gesture of some type (references in Tetun and 'Āre'āre).

The comparisons of lime to sago flesh in two widely separated languages (Kenyah and Fordata) are interesting, but difficult to interpret without more context. Tiruray fag-aful-an (for anticipated **ferafuran, from *paR-qapuR-an) is assumed to be a loan from a still unidentified source, but problems remain even with this interpretation (*R > /g/ in the prefix, but *R > /l/ in the stem). It is possible that the reconstruction of *paR-qapuR-an, a form that appears to have been entirely synonymous with *paŋ-qapuR-an, is simply misguided. Finally, Chamorro Hu naʔye afok i maiʔes ‘I put lime on the corn’ and Wetan air-i ‘lime, put lime on’ appear to reflect two stages in the history of the suffix *-i ‘local transitive’, the first while it still remains a generic preposition marking location in space or time, and the second after it has become a transitive verb suffix with locative overtones.


*qa(m)pus come to an end, be destroyed


PMP     *qa(m)pus come to an end, be destroyed

Bikol apóscigarette butt
Maranao apostired, exhausted
Iban apuscomplete, finish, end
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) apusright through, throughout
Malay hapusexpunging, wiping off; effacing
  m-ampusto die (vulgar); be wiped out; of animals dying
Toba Batak apuswiped out, obliterated
Simalungun Batak apusbrushing over, sweeping
Sundanese apuseasily go out, extinguished (fire)
Mandar apuswipe off, erase
Manggarai ampusexterminate, destroy, wipe out (as a house by fire, chickens by some cause, etc.)

Note:   Also Itbayaten aʔpos ‘idea of wearing out/down’. With root *-pus₁ ‘end, finish’.


*qaqay foot, leg


PAN     *qaqay foot, leg     [doublet: *waqay]

Saisiyat ʔæʔæyleg and foot (human)
Seediq (Truku) qaqaifoot (especially of humans)
Itbayaten ayifoot, leg, paw
Sambal (Bolinaw) aːyifoot, leg
Kalamian Tagbanwa kakayfoot
Palawan Batak ʔaʔayfoot, leg (Reid 1971)
Maguindanao aifoot, leg
Bintulu aifoot
Moken kakayleg, foot
Nias ahefoot, fruit stalk (of palms)
Enggano e-aefoot
Proto-Minahasan *aʔefoot, leg
Banggai aifoot, leg
Wolio aeleg, foot, paw, lower course (of a river), river-mouth
Bonerate aefoot/leg
Muna ghagheleg, foot, mouth (of a river)
Tetun ai-nleg, foot
Galoli ei-rfoot/leg
Kisar eileg, foot
Ujir aileg, foot
Elat ai-nleg, foot
Masiwang yai-nleg, foot
Kamarian aileg/foot
Wahai aifoot
Laha ei-foot/leg
Hitu aileg, foot
Batu Merah ai-vafoot
Morella ai-kafoot
Wandamen aefoot
Windesi aefoot
Waropen efoot
Pom aifoot
Marau₁ aefoot/leg
Ansus aefoot
Papuma aefoot
Serui-Laut aefoot


POC     *qaqe leg, foot

Seimat aeleg, foot
Kaniet ae-leg, foot
Yapese qaayhis leg/foot
Lihir kake-leg
Tanga kekeleg, foot
Arop ke-foot, leg
Lusi aheleg, foot
Kove ahefoot, leg
Gitua ageleg, foot
Numbami aeleg, foot
Gabadi aeleg
Dobuan ʔae-naleg, foot
Tubetube kae-kaeleg, foot
Marau₂ aʔe-foot, leg

Note:   Also Atayal (Squliq) kakay ‘foot, leg, hind leg’, Palawan Batak aʔáʔi ‘leg’ (Warren 1959), Maranao aʔi ‘foot, leg’, Malay kaki ‘foot; leg; base’, Vaikenu haɛ-f ‘foot’, Biga kae ‘leg, foot’, Windesi ai ‘foot’, Manam ai ‘foot’, Gitua age ‘leg, foot’, Tolai kāki(-na) ‘leg, bone’, Cheke Holo gahe ‘foot, leg’, Bugotu nae-ña ‘foot, leg’, Lau ʔae ‘foot, leg’.

Many words which may reflect *qaqay are ambiguous for *qaqay or *waqay. The loss of *q and contraction of the resulting sequence of like vowels in this form led to a canonically atypical monosyllabic content word /ay/ in some languages. In response to canonical pressure this sequence was resyllabified as /ai/, or even /ayi/. Where the final diphthong had been monophthongized to -/e/ prior to loss of *q such pressures were inapplicable.

It is noteworthy that although a single term appears to have been used for both ‘foot’ and ‘leg’ in PAn, PMP and PWMP, such parts of the leg as the shin (*lulud), calf (*bitiqis) and thigh (*paqa) were terminologically distinguished by at least PWMP times, and reflexes of the latter two have often replaced reflexes of *qaqay in the meaning ‘foot, leg’.


*qari-maquŋ wild feline


PWMP     *qari-maquŋ wild feline

Kankanaey alimaoŋcivet, civet cat
Ngaju Dayak harimauŋleopard
Ma'anyan harimauŋleopard
Samihim rimaʔuŋleopard
Jarai remoŋtiger

Note:   Also Ngaju Dayak haramauŋ ‘leopard’. Dempwolff (1934-38) assigned Ngaju Dayak harimauŋ to *harimaw (Tagalog halimaw ‘ferocious beast’, Toba Batak arimo ‘leopard’, Malay harimau ‘tiger’). The historical relationship between these items is unclear, but the distribution of the latter forms is likely to be due to borrowing from Malay.


*qari-ñuan a small bee: Apis indica


PMP     *qari-ñuan a small bee: Apis indica     [doublet: *qani-Ruan]

Ilokano arinuánkind of tame bee
Kelabit b-erenuankind of small bee
Ngaju Dayak bitik ñuankind of small gray ant
Iban (re)ñuankind of small bee, often kept under eaves in hives (tikoŋ of hollowed logs; honey is good, but inferior to that of the large wild mañiʔ
Singhi Land Dayak ñowanhouse bee
Toba Batak harinuanlarge wild bee (< *kari-ñuan)

Note:   Also Simalur aniwan ‘wild bee’, Malay (Jakarta) ñaruan ‘bee or hornet’, Sasak keñeruh, keñeruhan ‘bee’. It would be attractive to unit (a) and (b) under a single etymon, relating forms such as Ilokano arinuán and Malay neruan through metathesis. Since the known reflexes of (a) are both more common and more widely attested than those of (b) (being found in WMP and CMP languages), *qani-Ruan is perhaps the preferred shape of such an invariant prototype. But under this interpretation we must recognize at least three independent metatheses (Ilokano, the Bornean forms, Toba Batak), of which the second followed the sporadic palatalization of *n before *i.

An invariant prototype *qari-ñuan not only exacerbates this problem, but cannot account for the stem-initial g of various Philippine reflexes. This difficulty might be alleviated by positing *qaRi-ñuan, but among other obstacles to such an interpretation independent evidence for a prefix *qaRi- is unknown. On balance, then, the reconstruction of doublets with complementary affixation, although not without its problems, appears preferable to an invariant prototype. Sundanese ñiruan could be a metathesis of (b).


*qarita the putty nut: Parinarium laurinum


POC     *qarita the putty nut: Parinarium laurinum     [doublet: *qatita]

Nauna alitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Lou keritthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Penchal alitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
  elt-ito caulk
Pak ehirthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Loniu eitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Nali n-alitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Ere aritthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Titan alitthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Leipon yeritthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Sori ahiʔthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Lindrou alisthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Bipi alikthe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum
Mussau aritathe putty nut: Parinarium laurinum


*qaruqan mudfish


PWMP     *qaruqan mudfish     [doublet: *haruqan]

Maranao aroqanmudfish: Ophiocephalus striatus Bloch; prepare or clean mudfish
  aroqan-aqscaling board
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) eruʔanmudfish
Malay haruanmudfish


*qaRa₁ a tree: Ficus spp.


PMP     *qaRa₁ a tree: Ficus spp.

Palawano agatree sp.; barkcloth made from the bark of the aga tree
Iban araʔparasite fig
Dairi-Pakpak Batak arageneric for banyans: Ficus benjamina and F. retusa
Old Javanese (h)araa particular kind of tree (of the ficus family)
Balinese ahafig
Sasak arakind of fig tree
Sangir ahakind of wild fig tree
Mongondow agaa tree of no particular use
Komodo arafig tree
Manggarai aravarious trees, Ficus spp.
Ngadha arakind of fig or banyan tree
Sika ʔarafig tree
Buruese aha-ta tree

Note:   Also Bikol agáɁ ‘tree with bark once cured and used to make clothing’, Sangir ara ‘fig tree’. Part of this comparison was first noted by Verheijen (1967-70) who, however, proposed no reconstruction. In addition to the forms cited here, he mentions Sundanese ara which does not appear in the sources available to me.


*qaRa₂ fence, enclosure


POC     *qaRa₂ fence, enclosure

Gedaged azfence
Motu arafence of upright sticks
Bugotu ara-arafish fence of coconut leaves
Tongan ʔāfence, wall; enclosure, pen
Rennellese ʔaawall, fence, enclosure; to build a fence, wall, or enclosure; to surround


*qaRama crab sp. (?)


PWMP     *qaRama crab sp.

Ilokano agámalarge white crabs breeding in reefs
Isneg axamākind of small crab
Bontok ʔagmacrab
Casiguran Dumagat agimaocean crab
Pangasinan alamásmall crabs
Old Javanese haramaedible marine creature


*qaRaw snatch, take away by force, rob


PAN     *qaRaw snatch, take away by force, rob

Kavalan m-iRawto rob
  iRaw-anbe seized by, taken by force
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) H-em-a-HaRawtake by force, snatch away
  m-a-HaRa-HaRawto fight for (as for the ground)
  HaRaw-isnatch it!
Casiguran Dumagat agewgrab, snatch, steal, run off with someone's spouse for a long time or indefinite period
Kapampangan ayawscramble for something; rob in such a manner (Bergaño 1860)
Tagalog ágawsudden snatching away; deprivation (of property or the like); interposition in conversation (used in narratives)
  agaw-ánsnatching (things) away from each other; competition
Bikol mag-ágawto snatch
  maki-ágawjostled, scramble for, push your way ahead
Hanunóo ʔágawgrasping, grabbing at (something)
  mag-mag-ʔar-agáw-angrab at (plural,intensive)
Aklanon ágawgrab, take, seize, snatch, get (without being one's due)
  pa-ágawthrow things for others to catch
  ae-agaw-án (< *ar-agaw-anmake a scramble for (in order to take or get)
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalawsnatch away
Hiligaynon mag-ágawgrab, seize, take by force, usurp
Cebuano ágawtake something away from someone (as a toy from a child)
  agáw-anfond of snatching
  babáyi-ŋ agaw-ag bánaa woman that is a husband-snatcher
Maranao agawvie; go toward; seek protection; snatch away
Subanen/Subanun gagawto snatch
Binukid agawgrab, seize, snatch, take (something) away from (someone)
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) aɣewseize; grab; illegally take possession of
Mansaka agawtake that which belongs to another (wife, land, etc.)
Kelabit arosnatching'; se-ng-aro 'fight over something
Proto-Sangiric *aRawrob, snatch away
Sangir ahostolen goods, booty, loot
Mongondow moko-agowable to, or dare to rob or to take by force
  o-agow-anwhat is usually taken in robbery: booty, loot


PWMP     *maŋ-qaRaw snatch, take away by force

Bikol maŋ-ágawgo around snatching things
Kelabit ŋ-aroto snatch
Sangir maŋ-ahotake away from someone, rob
Mongondow moŋ-agowrob, abduct, take away by force


PPh     *qaRaw-en be snatched away, taken away by force

Ilokano agáw-ensnatch away, off; carry off, take away by violence; obtain by robbing
Bikol agáw-onbe snatched
Hanunóo ʔagáw-unbe grabbed at, be snatched
Hiligaynon agáw-unbe grabbed, seized, taken by force

Note:   Also Paiwan qaraw-an ‘covet; covetousness’. The basic sense of *qaRaw appears to have been ‘to take by force’. It implicitly assumes the concept of personal ownership, and is concerned with acts that violate the proprietary rights of the individual with regard either to material property or to a spouse. As such it probably referred to robbery as opposed to theft (*Cakaw). In reciprocal constructions such as those cited for Puyuma and Kelabit the meaning carries less a sense of illegitimate seizure than that of rightful possession by the stronger of two competitors.


*qaRem pangolin, scaly anteater


PAN     *qaRem pangolin, scaly anteater

Kavalan irempangolin, anteater
Saisiyat ʔæLəmpangolin, anteater
Atayal qompangolin, anteater
Seediq ʔaruŋpangolin, anteater
Pazeh axempangolin, anteater
Amis ʔalemanteater with long tongue: Manis tricupis
Thao qalhumpangolin, scaly anteater: Manis pentadactyla
Bunun qalumpangolin, anteater
  ʔarəməpangolin, anteater
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaRempangolin, anteater
Paiwan qampangolin, anteater
  q-in-am-anpangolin's hole or den
Basap arəmpangolin
Berawan (Long Jegan) akempangolin, anteater
Berawan (Batu Belah) ampangolin, anteater
Kenyah (Long Anap) aampangolin, anteater
Penan (Long Lamai) ahampangolin, anteater
Wahau hampangolin, scaly anteater
Gaai hampangolin, scaly anteater
Kelai hampangolin, scaly anteater
Mei Lan Modang hampangolin, scaly anteater
Woq Helaq Modang hampangolin, scaly anteater
Long Gelat Modang hampangolin, scaly anteater
Kiput arəmpangolin, anteater
Melanau (Mukah) aampangolin, anteater
Bukat ayəmpangolin, anteater
Lahanan həmpangolin, anteater
Katingan ahempangolin, anteater
Ma'anyan ayempangolin, anteater
Dusun Witu ayempangolin, scaly anteater

Note:   Also Kanakanabu kani-arúm-ai ‘pangolin, anteater’ (Tsuchida 1976:171), Paiwan (Western) qale-qalem-an ‘pangolin, anteater’, Kayan hem ‘pangolin, anteater’.

Tsuchida (1976:318) posits ‘PHES’ doublets, *qaRem, qaRum, but almost all of the supporting evidence for the latter variant is ambiguous for *e or *u.

Two species of scaly anteater or pangolin are found in island Southeast Asia: 1. the Manis pentadactyla, and 2. the Manis javanica Desmarest. The former is confined to Taiwan, while the latter has a fairly wide distribution including the island of Palawan and the adjacent Kalamian and Cuyo Islands in the Philippines, the Greater Sunda Islands of Indonesia, including Borneo, Sumatra and Java, and portions of the Southeast Asian mainland (Taylor 1934).

Since the islands where the more southerly species is found all rest on the submerged Sunda Shelf, and since this is not true of any other Philippine islands, it is likely that the Manis javanica acquired its attested distribution at a time when the Greater Sunda Islands of Indonesia and the Palawan group of the Philippines were joined with the Asian mainland. PAn *qaRem presumably referred to the Manis pentadactyla, but since its reflexes refer to both species we are faced with a puzzle: how did the name for ‘pangolin’ survive when Austronesian speakers moved south into parts of the Philippines where pangolins were not found? There are several possibilities:

(1) some form of pangolin formerly was found in Luzon,
(2) both Borneo and Taiwan were independently settled from some other area or areas where the pangolin was found,
(3) Austronesian speakers moved south rapidly enough to encounter the new species of pangolin before they had lost their recollection of the Manis pentadactyla, and hence were able to transfer the old name to the new species.

The first of these hypotheses apparently is not supported by any known fossil evidence. The second is contradicted by the evidence of linguistic subgrouping, which suggests an Austronesian expansion southward from Taiwan through the Philippines into Indonesia. This leaves only the third hypothesis as a plausible alternative: the appearance of cognate names referring to a geographically discontinuous genus probably results from a fairly rapid expansion of Austronesian speakers from the northern Philippines into western Indonesia. For information relating to the distribution of the genus Manis in Southeast Asia I am indebted to Ray Ziegler, mammalogist at the Bernice P. Bishop Museum, with whom I discussed this problem in 1972.


*qaReNu a plant, Phragmites spp.


PAN     *qaReNu a plant, Phragmites spp.

Atayal (Mayrinax) qaglua plant: Phragmites longivalis
Amis ʔardoswamp grass, used in making things
Hanunóo ʔaynua plant: Phragmites australis (Madulid 2001)

Note:   Also Atayal (Squliq) qolu, Seediq (Truku) glu ‘a plant: Phragmites longivalis’. The Formosan part of this comparison was first noted by Li (1994).


(Formosan only)

*qaRidaŋ bean, pea (generic)


PAN     *qaRidaŋ bean, pea (generic)

Atayal (Mayrinax) qagiraŋbean, pea
Pazeh xaidaŋ <Mbeans
  maxa-xaidaŋto have smallpox
Bunun qalidaŋpigeon peas
Tsou recŋipigeon peas
Kanakanabu ʔaricaŋpigeon peas
Saaroa ʔarisaŋpigeon peas
Siraya agisaŋbroad beans
Paiwan qarizaŋstring beans

Note:   Also Amis kalitaŋ ‘string beans, green beans’. This comparison was first noted by Li (1994).


(Formosan only)

*qaRiw dry


PAN     *qaRiw dry

Saisiyat ʔæL-ʔæLiwdry
Thao qalhiwdryness
  ma-qalhiwdry (as clothes that have been washed, a riverbed, etc.)
  miŋ-qalhiwbecome dry, dry up
Bunun ma-qalivdry, as a riverbed or fish that have been dried for preservation

Note:   Based on its limited geographical spread this may be a loan distribution, but there is nothing in the sound correspondences that would lead us to this conclusion.


*qaRsam fern sp.


PMP     *qaRsam fern sp.

Manobo (Western Bukidnon) adsam <Ablack vine used in ornamenting woven baskets
Mansaka agsamkind of vine
Iban resama fern: Gleichenia sp.
Malay resamforest fern, of which some parts are like whalebone, and make Malay pens: Gleichenia linearis
Acehnese rɨsamfern sp.
Karo Batak resamtough fern which grows on the high plateau
Dairi-Pakpak Batak arsamkind of upright fern
Toba Batak arsamfern sp.
Minangkabau ra(n)sama fern: Gleichenia linearis
Proto-Sangiric *Rəsamfern sp.
Sangir hesaŋuseful type of moss that grows to a height of over two feet. The light-green young plants resemble small fir trees, with cylindrical stalks filled with hairs or soft spines. The plant later loses its pyramidal form and comes to resemble the flatter mosses. It grows in close association with Imperata cylindrica wherever there is enough moisture. Also called hesaŋ lumuʔ in contradistinction with hesaŋ or hesaŋ eseʔ; the latter belongs with the ginto, and is a climbing fern, much used for wicker chairs, etc.


POC     *qasam fern used for tying and binding

Tanga aːsemthe Lygodium creeper; a circlet of this creeper was placed around a widow's ankle and called pan-ta:m-en-bo 'leaf-which makes taboo-the eating of-pig'; a belt of the vine, worn by women; a double bow was made at the hip and within each loop of the bow a bundle of scented leaves was placed, and the two loops were pulled tight
Lakalai la-haraplant used for wrapping of coiled basket: Lygodium circinnatum
Mono-Alu asamaa creeper species; to use asama
Roviana asamaa trailing fern much used for lashing canoes, etc.: Lygodium trifurcatum Baker
Nggela ahaspecies of creeper used for string, smaller than lape
Kwaio latavine used in making canoes
Lau sataspecies of climbing fern, used for tying canoes
'Āre'āre rataa very strong liana, used especially to sew canoe planks
Sa'a sataa climbing fern, very strong, used for tying
Fijian cacaa fern: Acrostichum aureum, Pteridaceae

Note:   Also Tiruray ansam ‘edible fern: Helminthostachy zeylanica (Linn. Hook’, Karo Batak ersam ‘tough fern which grows on the high plateau’.


*qaRsem sourness, acidity


PAN     *qaRsem sourness, acidity     [doublet: *qalesem, *qasem]

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) HaRsemsour
Kalamian Tagbanwa kalsemsour
Palawan Batak ʔagsemsour (Reid 1971)
Palawano egsemacid, sour


PWMP     *ma-qaRsem sour, acid

Aborlan Tagbanwa ma-agsemsour
Chamorro ma-ʔaksomsour, acid, acidulous, tart


*qaRta outsiders, alien people


PMP     *qaRta outsiders, alien people

Isneg agtáNegrito
Arta artaself designation used by a group of Negritos in Quirino Province, Northern Luzon (Reid 1989:47)
Ifugaw altápygmies of the Philippines, called Negritos by the Spaniards
Casiguran Dumagat ágtaa Negrito person; what the Dumagat people refer to themselves as; term for any dark-skinned person with kinky hair; to speak in the Dumagat language
Ayta Abellan aytaman; human being
Kapampangan aytaNegrito (Garvan 1964:9)
Tagalog agtáshort black people, Negritos
Remontado átaperson
Samal ataslave
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) atapeople in general
Simalur ataperson, human being
Nias (Southern) ataperson, human being; ancestor
Proto-Minahasan *ataslave
Tondano ataslave
Tontemboan ataslave
  ma-atamake a slave of someone, treat as a slave
  meŋ-atapossess slaves
Mongondow ataslave; often used to mean 'servant' in contrast with more prominent people
  kog-atapossess slaves
  toŋg-ata-anmake a slave of someone
  ata naathis slave, this servant = I
Gorontalo watoslave, servant
Banggai ataslave
  maŋ-ata-ipossess or obtain slaves
Mori Atas ataslave
Wawonii ataslave
Buginese ataslave
Makassarese ataslave, servant, subject of a ruler; still present in polite expressions
  ata-ntayour servant (used by women or children toward persons deserving respect)
Muna ghataslave
Palauan ʔadman; person; human being; living being; someone; somebody; anyone; anybody
  ʔəda-lperson of
Bimanese adaslave, servant; I
Komodo ataperson, people; who, which
Manggarai ataperson, human being; male, masculine; inhabitants, people, race; other people, foreigners, ghosts, spirits
Rembong ataperson, human being; relative pronoun
  anak atachild (of someone else)
Ngadha ataperson, human image; enemy; someone
  ata dzarahorse rider
  ata vaiperson who goes on foot
Li'o ataperson, people
Sika ʔataperson, human being
Lamaholot ataperson
Adonara ataperson
Solorese ataperson, human being
Kédang ata diʔenpeople
  ata-nman, person
Lamboya atapeople, person
Kambera ataservant, slave
Rotinese ataslave; also used to call a serf who is not a slave, and as a humilific form of the first person singular pronoun when addressing a prince
Tetun ataslave, servant; shepherd, herdsman
  bibi atagoatkeeper
  kuda atagroom
  toʔos atagardener or farmer
Vaikenu atɛslave
Erai atahuman being; this word is used in certain cases only: ata mate 'corpse, ghost', and ata laik eha 'stranger'
Leti ataslave
Wetan ataslave, servant
Selaru at, ata-reslave
Kamarian ataslave
Proto-Ambon *ataslave
Asilulu ataslave (archaic)
Larike ataperson
Buruese ataservant, slave; adopted son; a male or female servant; a male slave purchased from another clan, often given a wife by purchasing clan

Note:   Also Bikol agtáʔ ‘Negrito, Aeta, Philippine aborigine’, Aklanon ágtaʔ ‘Negrito, Ate (aborigine of Panay); black, very dark skinned’, Aklanon áti(h) ‘Negritos (living in the mountains), Cebuano ágtaʔ ‘supernatural man of dark complexion and extraordinary size, said to inhabit trees, cliffs, or empty houses. He is said to play practical jokes on people, kidnap them. He has a large cigar in his mouth; name occasionally given to Negritos’, Maranao agtaʔ ‘witch, black demon; black’, aita ‘Negrito, mountain people with kinky hair and small stature’, Maranao ateʔ ‘person who is dark brown to black’, Simalur hata ‘person, human being’, Kisar ake ‘slave’.

Grace (1972) suggests that Canala (New Caledonia) ka ‘enemy, one to be killed and eaten’ may be connected, but this would be the only known reflex of *qaRta in an Oceanic language, and in view of the phonemic brevity of the form I do not see how convergence can safely be excluded as an explanation of the observed similarity. Reid (1989:51), Reid (n.d.) posits *qaRtaq, a form which is supported by several Central Philippine witnesses as noted above, but which is in conflict with the absence of a final consonant in at least Tagalog, Sama-Bajaw, Proto-Minahasan, Mongondow, Palauan, and Rembong. Since the latter languages form a rather diverse collection, it is simpler to hypothesize an irregular change in one Central Philippine language which diffused to surrounding speech communities rather than an irregular loss of *-q on as many as six historically independent occasions.

Finally, the arguments presented in Blust (1972) for assigning a meaning ‘outsiders, alien people’ to this form now appear stronger than ever. Based on ‘occurrences of unique alleles’ Bellwood (1997 [1985]) notes that the Negritos of Luzon and Mindanao probably have been separated for over 10,000 years. The distribution of phenotypically similar Negrito populations in the interior of the Malay Peninsula and in the Andaman Islands suggests that a Negrito population was widespread in island Southeast Asia when phenotypically southern Mongoloid Austronesian-speaking populations began to arrive in the region. Blust (1981) argues for cultural contact and borrowing of animistic beliefs between indigenous Negrito and incoming Austronesian -speaking groups by about 3,000 B.C.

Most recently Reid (1987) has argued persuasively that incoming agricultural Austronesians must have encountered an established Negrito hunter-gatherer population in the Philippines which over the course of time assimilated linguistically to the new arrivals. Under such conditions it is not difficult to see how *qaRta would have been applied by Austronesian speakers to the Negrito population of the Philippines, and ultimately adopted as a self-designation by some of these same groups. In other areas the term came to be applied to outsiders taken in war whose social position was that of ‘slave’ (someone with no claims to filiation with lineages of the dominant group). More puzzling are the semantic innovations which caused *qaRta to replace PMP *tau in the meaning ‘person, human being’.


*qaRuas young growth stage of mullet


PMP     *qaRuas young growth stage of mullet

Ilokano aguásedible fresh-water fish; it is very similar to the puroŋ, but its scales are smaller
Casiguran Dumagat agwaskind of ocean fish
Tagalog agwásmullet (when still spawning)
Chamorro agwasbaby mullet: Neomyxus chaptalii
Seimat aularge mullet (3-4 feet in length)
Gilbertese auamullet
Woleaian yaiuw(a)kind of fish: Neomyxus chaptalii, etc.
Dubea kavamullet
Tongan ʔauamullet sp.
Tokelauan auasilvery mullet: Neomyxus chaptalii

Note:   Also Kapingamarangi huoua ‘young mullet’. Zorc (1979) gives PCPH *agwas ‘(fish) Mugilidae’.


*qaRuhu a shore tree: Casuarina equisetifolia


PMP     *qaRuhu a shore tree: Casuarina equisetifolia     [disjunct: *aRuhu]

Ilokano aroófilao, beefwood, Casuarina equisetifolia Forst. A leafless, dioecious tree with oblong cones; roots and bark are used for medicinal purposes: their infusion, when drunk at regular intervals, is supposed to cure bad humors, especially in women suffering from diseases of the womb
Tagalog agúhoa tree: Casuarina equisetifolia
Minangkabau (h)arua tree: Casuarina equisetifolia
Windesi yarua tree: Casuarina equisetifolia
Numfor yāra tree: Casuarina equisetifolia


*qaRus current, flow


PMP     *qaRus current, flow

Itbayaten ayos-anbrook
Ibatan ayoscurrent
Ilokano árusto drift; to drive, to carry (as currents do)
Tagalog ágosflow of liquid, or direction of current
Cebuano águsooze, flow out slowly (as pus from a wound)
Maranao agosoutlet of pond or lake
Binukid agusfor poison, etc. to spread through (a body of water)
Melanau (Mukah) auscurrent of air, as from someone blowing through a tube
Ngaju Dayak asohdownward flow of a river
Banjarese haruscurrent
Iban aruscurrent (in stream)
Malay haruscurrent (in sea or river)
Simalur aluspulling, dragging (said of rivers)
  alus-alusname of a river on the south coast of the island of Simalur
Nias houcurrent (in the sea)
  ho-houcurrent (in a river)
  mo-ho-hourun, stampede (of a crowd of people)
Lampung haxuscurrent (of river)
Old Javanese hosexerting oneself, (moving) with difficulty, going heavily, heavy (heart, breathing)
Javanese os-oslet something escape through an opening (as the air from a tire)
Balinese ahusan air-current, draught
Sasak aruscurrent in the sea
Mandar aruscurrent
Buginese aruʔweep hard
Makassarese arusuʔcurrent, flow; gulf stream
Kowiai/Koiwai laruscurrent
Bunama ʔalusacurrent
Mailu aru-aito drift
  aru-aruto flow
Motu arucurrent of river or sea; to flow, to rush, of a crowd
Tubetube kalus-icurrent (in the sea)
Chuukese éwú-(in compounds only) current, flow (of water)
  éwút-current (at sea), eddy
Mota arcurrents in the sea between Mota and Gaua
  ar gauacarries to Gaua
Fijian yaucarry, bring
Tongan ʔaucurrent, stream; (of pus) to ooze out, flow (but blood is said to tafe); (of a boil, etc.) to give out pus
Samoan auflow on, roll on; continue; current; stream; carry (in the hand)
  au-ŋaflow; succession
Tuvaluan ausea current
Kapingamarangi aucurrent
Nukuoro authe generic term for the major types of currents in the open sea
Anuta auocean current
Rarotongan aua current, as of a river or of the ocean; the wake of a boat or ship
Maori aucurrent, wake of a canoe; rapid; whirlpool
Hawaiian aucurrent; movement, eddy, tide, motion; to move, drift, float, walk, hurry, stir; succession or train, as of thought


PWMP     *taqi qaRus driftwood and scum lit. 'refuse of the current'

Malay tahi harusdriftwood and scum in a tideway
Makassarese tai arusuʔkind of black, slippery and shiny seaweed from which whips or armrings are made

Note:   Also Isneg áyus ‘to flow, to stream, to run’, Kankanaey áyus ‘to flow; to pour; to run; to stream; to gush; to trickle’, Kapampangan águs ‘current’, Melanau (Mukah) arus ‘flow of water’, Kambera arihu ‘current’, Niue āu ‘current’. Reduplicated reflexes of *qaRus occur in several widely separated languages, but since these have no known common referent I treat them as convergent innovations.

PMP *qaRus clearly meant ‘current’ (either of rivers or the sea), but also appears to have functioned verbally in the meaning ‘to flow’. Agreements in widely separated reflexes suggest that in its verbal sense *qaRus referred to a viscous, slow, heavy movement, probably in contrast to a rushing flow of liquid (PMP *deRes). Thus both Cebuano águs and Tongan ʔau refer to the oozing of pus (the latter in explicit contrast to the flowing of blood), and Nias mo-ho-hou and Motu aru refer to the slowly flowing movement of crowds of people. Given these agreements the argument that Old Javanese hos ‘exerting oneself, (moving) with difficulty, going heavily, heavy (heart, breathing)’ belongs with this set is significantly enhanced.


*qaRutay a plant in the banana family, probably Musa textilis


PPh     *qaRutay a plant in the banana family, probably Musa textilis

Casiguran Dumagat ahutayskin from the wild banana plant, used to make string; to make string from the wild banana plant
Hanunóo ʔagútaya species of plant
Tboli klutaya plant similar to the banana or abaca plant, with inedible fruit
Bilaan (Sarangani) lutayabaca

Note:   This comparison was first noted by Zorc (1986:163). It was then discussed by Donohue and Denham (2009:303ff) who, however, attempted to connect the legitimate cognate set cited here with a large number of other forms in western and eastern Indonesia, Papua, mainland Southeast Asia, South Asia, and even the Middle East (Pashto) based solely on phonetic similarity. The highly speculative ethnobotanical hypothesis they propose based on this is simply not supported by scientifically reliable linguistic evidence.


*qasak stuff or press in, be squeezed in


PWMP     *qasak stuff or press in, be squeezed in     [doublet: *hasek₂]

Ilokano asákpass between, wriggle through; make one's way through grasses, between objects or persons, etc.
  ma-asákbe passable, transitable
Malay (h)asakstuffing; insertion by force or pressure
Alas asakstuff or press in
Karo Batak asakjostle, crowd out
Dairi-Pakpak Batak asakfill a gun, stuff or cram something in; press against
Simalungun Batak asakstuff, pack in
Angkola-Mandailing Batak asak-asakiron used to clean gun barrel
Wolio asak-ipress, suppress (desires)


*qasawa spouse: husband, wife


PAN     *qasawa spouse: husband, wife

Sakizaya acawaspouse; husband, wife
  mala-acawato marry, get married, become husband and wife
  mala-acawa-ayto be a married couple
  mapa-acawato be betrothed
  pa-acawato pledge in marriage
Amis ʔacawachild’s spouse, son-in-law or daughter-in-law
Ilokano asáwahusband, wife; pendant, one of a pair, match, companion piece, counterpart
  maki-asáwato marry, wed, said of women
Ibanag atáwaspouse
Isneg atáwahusband, wife
Itawis atáwaspouse: husband, wife
  m-átawahusband and wife
  maki-atáwato marry, said of girls
Malaweg əsáwaspouse
Bontok ʔasáwamarry; spouse
Kankanaey asáwahusband, bridegroom, spouse, wife, bride; mate, counterpart, pendant, fellow, equal, like, match
Ifugaw aháwahusband or wife
Casiguran Dumagat asáwaspouse: husband, wife
Pangasinan asawáspouse; marry
Sambal (Botolan) aháwaspouse
Ayta Maganchi ahawaspouse
Kapampangan asáwaspouse; (metaphor) one of a pair; like mortar and pestle
Tagalog asáwaespouse
Hanunóo ʔasáwaspouse, i.e. husband or wife
Aklanon asáwaspouse: husband, wife; married (said of a woman)
Kalamian Tagbanwa kasawaspouse
Hiligaynon asáwawife
Palawan Batak ʔasáwaspouse: husband or wife
Cebuano asáwawife; happen to get for a wife, can marry
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) esawaspouse
Mansaka asawawife
Molbog osawaspouse
Bonggi saaspouse
Kadazan Dusun savohusband, wife; better half
Bisaya (Limbang) saowife
Bisaya sawowife
Belait sabahwife
Kelabit awa-nspouse
Tring awahspouse
Miri abahwife
Kayan hawa-spouse
  hawaʔmarriage, a wedding
Kiput safahwife
Bintulu sabawife
Melanau (Mukah) sawaspouse
  sawa layhusband
  sawa mahewwife
Melanau Dalat (Kampung Teh) sawaspouse
Lahanan sawa-spouse
Tunjung saga-nwife
Ngaju Dayak sawaewife; marriage (from the man's perspective)
Kapuas sawa-wife
Muna soawife
Chamorro asaguaspouse, husband, wife, mate
Rotinese saomarry; spouse: husband, wife
Erai hoato marry
Leti sospouse
Moa sawaspouse
Selaru sawa-spouse
Yamdena sawespouse
  sawa-nhis or her spouse
Ujir saspouse
Dobel yakwaspouse
Masiwang sawa-nspouse
Kowiai/Koiwai soaspouse
Windesi sawahusband (or 'man'?; cf. Anceaux 1961:29)
Numfor swaspouse
Lou asoa-husband
Lenkau asoa-husband
Seimat axoa-spouse
Wuvulu axo-spouse
Aua aro-spouse
Lusi arawaspouse
Kove aroaspouse
Tarpia tawahusband
Gitua azuaspouse; husband, wife
Numbami asowaspouse
Ubir awaspouse
Gapapaiwa kawaspouse
Mukawa kawaspouse
Magori garawaspouse
Hula arawaspouse
Motu adava-husband, wife
Roro atawa-spouse
Mekeo (East) akavahusband
Raga ahoa-husband
Axamb asuo-husband
Southeast Ambrym asou-spouse
Paamese asoo-spouse


PWMP     *maŋ-qasawa marry, wed

Ilokano maŋ-asáwato marry, wed, said of men
Isneg maŋ-atáwato marry, said of boys
Itawis maŋ-atáwaget married
Bontok maŋ-asáwato marry
Ifugaw maŋ-aháwato marry actually
Pangasinan maŋ-asawáto marry
Kapampangan maŋ-asáwa(old) arrange marriage, (new) have sexual intercourse
Mansaka maŋ-asawato marry
Kayan ŋe-hawaʔmarry, wed


PWMP     *maR-qasawa marry; have a spouse

Isneg max-atáwato marry, said of both sexes
  max-atáwa-dathey are husband and wife
Kapampangan mi-asáwabe married
Aklanon mag-asawábe husband and wife, be married
Hiligaynon mag-asáwatake a wife, marry
Mansaka mag-asawacouple; husband and wife; family
[Malay ber-isteri(of a man of rank) to be married]
[Toba Batak mar-jolmahave a wife]


PMP     *pa-qasawa marry off, cause to get married

Casiguran Dumagat p-asawamarried couple
Cebuano pa-asáwabe married off to
Kadazan Dusun pa-pa-savogive in marriage; make or let marry (of boy)
Kayan pe-hawaʔto marry; being married; already married
Melanau (Mukah) pe-sawamarriage
Ngaju Dayak pa-sawato marry off, as a father marrying off his son
Yamdena fa-sawwedding; carrying out of a wedding
Watubela fa-khato wed, marry


PPh     *paŋ-qasawa (gloss uncertain)

Casiguran Dumagat peŋ-asawaan engaged person
[Kapampangan paŋ-asáwa-nrape someone]
Cebuano paŋ-asáwafor men to get married


PPh     *tala-qasawa married couple

Kapampangan tala-asáwaa married person
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) tele-ʔesawaman and wife; married couple


PWMP     *q<in>asawa was married to

Bontok ʔin-ʔasáwamarry one another (reciprocal)
Melanau (Mukah) s-en-awato have been married to


PPh     *qasawa-en be married, person married

Bontok ʔasaw-ənmarry
Ifugaw (Batad) ahāwaʔonthe person whom one marries, spouse
Hiligaynon asáwa-untake a wife, marry

Note:   Also Isneg asáwa ‘husband, wife’, mag-asáwa ‘to marry’, Taboyan sauʔ ‘wife’, Singhi Land Dayak sowe-n ‘wife’, Leti ‘marry’, Bonfia sowe-n ‘spouse’, Sekar isawa- ‘spouse’, Tarpia tawa ‘husband’, Lakalai harua- ‘husband’, Wogeo yawa- ‘spouse’, Manam roa ‘husband, wife’, Tongan hoa ‘mate, partner, fellow, other member of a pair, counterpart; husband or wife’, Samoan āvā ‘wife’. Most Oceanic reflexes of *qasawa show an assimilation of *-aw- to -/o/- in this form. However, given the retention of the original three vowels in the Central District languages of southeastern New Guinea (e.g. Motu, Mekeo (East), Roro) it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that this assimilatory change took place independently in a number of widely separated languages. I am grateful to Yen-ling Chen for providing translations from the Sakizaya-Chinese dictionary of Lin (2011).


*qaseb smoke


PAN     *qaseb smoke     [doublet: *qasep]

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hasevsmoky
Acehnese asabsmoke, soot, steam
Javanese asebsmoke; steam

Note:   Also Berawan (Long Terawan) cam ‘smoke’, Bintulu sab ‘smoke’.


*qaseŋ breath


PWMP     *qaseŋ breath

Tunjung asaŋheart
Ngaju Dayak aseŋbreath
  palakuan aseŋ panjaŋask for a long breath (life)
Ba'amang mana-hanséŋbreathe
Kapuas na-haséŋbreathe
Malagasy aínalife, animal life, strength
  mi-aìnalive, have life; respire, breathe
Simalur aseŋbreath
  um-aseŋ-aseŋbreath violently, pant, puff, gasp
  aseŋ-aseŋcane for the air supply in a bellows
  aseŋ-aseŋ banolit. 'breath of the land') prince
Balinese aŋseŋbreathe
  aŋseŋ-anbreath, breathing; hot blast of air
Proto-Minahasan *aseŋbreath; to breathe
Tondano aseŋbreath; to breathe
Tontemboan aseŋbreath
  ma-aseŋbreathe; take a break, take a breather
  ni-aseŋ-anplace where one has taken a break

Note:   Also Melanau (Mukah) naseŋ ‘heart; emotions’, Banggai asaaŋ ‘breath’, Paulohi aseh ‘breathe’. Ba'amang, Kapuas /h/ normally derives from *R, and only rarely reflects *q; its presence in the forms cited here remains somewhat problematic.


*qasep smoke


PWMP     *qasep smoke     [doublet: *qaseb]    [disjunct: *asep]

Ilokano asépincense, perfume
Sundanese haseupsmoke, steam, soot
Old Javanese asepincense
Balinese asepsmoke, give off smoke; the smoke of sacrifice, incense; thick smoke
  asep meñanthe smoke of incense


PWMP     *qasep-an (gloss uncertain)

Ilokano asp-ánto incense, to perfume
Sundanese haseup-anfunnel-shaped basket of plaited bamboo in which rice is steamed over a water-filled earthen pot; steaming basket


*qasepa astringent


PAN     *qasepa astringent     [disjunct: *sapela]

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Haspaastringent, puckery (the taste of green bananas, the kernel of areca nut, persimmon, etc.)
Iban sepastale, kept too long
Malay sepainsipid, tasting "woody", of tubers
Old Javanese sepainsipid, tasteless, weak
Javanese sepainsipid, tasteless

Note:   For an alternative assignment of Malay sepa see Blust (1982), where this item is compared with Cebuano sapla ‘slightly bitter in taste with an astringent effect, as unripe bananas’, and the two assigned to *sapela.


*qasi respect, venerate


PWMP     *qasi₁ respect, venerate

Malagasy (Provincial) ásyrespect, veneration
  mi-àsyshow respect, honor
Banjarese asiobedient, devoted to
Makassarese asitreat someone with respect and awe
Palauan ʔat-to praise


*qasiN saltiness, salty taste


PAN     *qasiN saltiness, salty taste

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) Hasilsalty
Yami asinsalt
Itbayaten asinsalt (solid), table salt
Ilokano asínsalt
Isneg asínsalt
  na-asínsalted, salty
  aŋ-asin-ānsalt container (bamboo tube, small calabash, or diminutive jar)
Itawis asínsalt
  mat-ásineat only rice balls dipped in salt
Bontok ʔasínsalt; hot mineral springs, also the crystal deposits formed around the springs; add salt to something; sprinkle yeast on cooked rice in the making of rice beer
Kankanaey asínsalt
Ifugaw ahínsalt
Ifugaw (Batad) ahínsalt; to salt food